Changes

When studying the emergence and development of racial ideology in nineteenth-century America, the Irish make for a particularly interesting case study. The droves of Irish Catholics immigrants departing a homeland in which they were a subject race ruled over by the English and Irish Protestants were by no means welcomed with open arms in the United States. Many Americans viewed them as little different from African slaves. Terms like “white negroes” and “smoked Irish” highlighted the lack of significance an Irish Catholic’s skin color held to many native-born Americans.  Largely poor and unskilled laborers, Irish Catholics were forced to take only the most menial of jobs. Given the common experiences of ethnic and economic oppression shared by both Irish Catholics and black slaves, abolitionists of the period thought the Irish would be natural allies in the battle to end chattel slavery in America. Instead, the exact opposite proved true. In ''How the Irish Became White'', Noel Ignatiev argues that in the United States, Irish Catholics found an opportunity to shed their status as an oppressed race in their native land and join the oppressor class in their new home. As he puts it, “In becoming white, the Irish ceased to be green,” (3).

Next, Ignatiev examines the role of the Democrat Party of Andrew Jackson. He argues, “White supremacy was not a flaw in American democracy but part of its definition and the development of democracy in the Jacksonian period cannot be understood without reference to white supremacy,” (79). Returning earlier to the notion that the Democrats traded protection from nativists to the Irish in exchange for support for their peculiar institution, Ignatiev argues that rather than the existence of slavery giving the Irish something to stand on as they climbed into the ranks of the oppressor race, it was instead the inclusion of the Irish into the oppressor race that made the continued existence of slavery possible.  Utilizing early nineteenth-century Philadelphia alderman John Binns as an example, Ignatiev shows how many Irish had adopted worldviews that were essentially Jacksonian. But the messiness of Binns’ political career shows the Irish affinity for the Democratic Party during this period was not as simple as jumping on a band wagonthe bandwagon. According to Ignatiev, the Democratic Party chose to reject nativism and deflected criticisms of slavery by pointing out the plight of the white worker in order to ease the assimilation of the Irish into the oppressor race and thus support the institution of slavery. In his discussion on Irish labor, Ignatiev notes that “white” for newly arrived immigrants was only one identifier among many. To truly become “white,” Ignatiev argues that the Irish first, “… had to learn to subjugate county, religious, or national animosities… to a new solidarity based on color,” (111). Because slaveholders had an interest in ensuring the degradation of free blacks and escaped slaves in the North, they allied with Northern labor. Echoing scholars like David Roediger, Ignatiev notes the “bi-polar system of color caste” allowed that all whites, no matter how low in status, could still enjoy status over the highest non-whites.  This status allowed them to simultaneously work to improve their own labor conditions and keep free blacks in a subjugated status. According to Ignatiev, just as skilled white laborers forced black laborers out of artisanal jobs by refusing to work with them and newly arrived unskilled Irish immigrants forced them out of unskilled jobs by working for less pay, so too did skilled and unskilled labor force black labor out of their movement. At the same time, nativist attitudes against immigrant labor faded in favor of the solidarity of the “white worker.” Drawing on Machiavelli’s notion of the “Tumultuous Republic,” Ignatiev examines the role of rioting in Jacksonian America, in particular, the “Flying Horses Riot” in Philadelphia in 1834. A well-organized mob attacked places of race-mixing and the homes of black Philadelphians. In neighborhoods where recently arrived immigrants and blacks both lived, the homes of whites with candles placed in their windows were spared. Ignatiev argues that this type of disorder is a form of order and serves as a type of supplement to the laws of the land rather than representing an opposition to those laws.  Moreover, the ability of organized rioters to both strike down overt opposition and force anyone else into silence no longer merely reflected public opinion but directly shaped it. In comparing earlier nativist and anti-Catholic riots targeting Irish immigrants to race riots targeting blacks, Ignatiev notes a key difference to emerge is the Irish being “allowed” to defend themselves. Blacks attempting to defend themselves against violence in this period of history often provoked an even greater backlash. White people, by contrast, did have the right to defend themselves.

In his discussion on Irish labor, Ignatiev notes that “white” for newly arrived immigrants was only one identifier among many. To truly become “whiteBy successfully defending themselves against nativist mobs,” Ignatiev argues that the Irish first, “… had laid claim to learn a right denied to subjugate countyblacks, religiousthus furthering their transition to members of the white race. The first consolidated police force, or national animosities… created to a new solidarity based on colorhelp deal with incidents like the Flying Horse Riot,” (111)was initially composed of nativists. Because slaveholders had an interest in ensuring the degradation of free blacks and escaped slaves in the North, they formed an But through their alliance with Northern labor. Echoing scholars like David RoedigerDemocrats and powerful Irish gangs, Ignatiev notes this force quickly gave way to the “bi-polar system emergence of color caste” allowed that all whites, no matter how low in status, could still enjoy status over the highest non-whitesIrish cop. This allowed them to simultaneously work to improve their own labor conditions and keep free blacks in was a subjugated status. According to profoundly significant change, as Ignatievargues, just as skilled white laborers forced black laborers out of artisanal jobs by refusing “It meant the Irish were officially able to work with them and newly arrived unskilled Irish immigrants forced them out of unskilled jobs by working for less paydefend themselves from the Nativist mobs, so too did skilled and unskilled labor force black labor at the same time carry out of their movementown violent agenda against black people. At The Protestant Ascendancy had given way to the same timeWhite Republic, nativist attitudes against immigrant labor faded in favor of the solidarity of the “white worker" (189).”

Drawing Ignatiev’s probing look into the Irish finding their place offers a new view on Machiavelli’s notion of the “Tumultuous Republic,” Ignatiev examines the role emergence of rioting racial ideology in Jacksonian America. It sheds light on glaring holes left by New Labor historians like Herbert Gutman who, Ignatiev says in particular the “Flying Horses Riot” in Philadelphia in 1834. A well-organized mob attacked places Afterward of race-mixing and ''How the homes of black Philadelphians. In neighborhoods where recently arrived immigrants and blacks both livedIrish Became White'', the homes of whites with candles placed in their windows were spared. Ignatiev argues that this type of disorder is actually a form of order and serves as ignore troubled race relations to discover a type of supplement to the laws of the land rather than representing an opposition to those laws. Moreover, the ability of organized rioters “usable history” to both strike down overt opposition and force anyone else into silence no longer merely reflected public opinion but directly shaped itguide new labor movements. In comparing earlier nativist and anti-Catholic riots targeting Irish immigrants to race riots targeting blacksparticular, Ignatiev notes a key difference criticizes their failure to emerge is explore the Irish being “allowed” to defend themselves. Blacks attempting to defend themselves against violence in this period relationship of history often provoked an even greater backlash. White people, by contrast, did have the right “whiteness” to defend themselveslabor. By successfully defending themselves against nativist mobs, <i>How the Irish laid claim to a right denied to blacks, thus furthering their transition to members of the white race. The first consolidated police force, created to help deal Became White</i> is much more in line with incidents works like <i>The Rise and Fall of the Flying Horse Riot, was initially composed White Republic</i> and <i>Wages of nativistsWhiteness. </i> But through their alliance with Democrats and powerful Irish gangs, this force quickly gave way to the emergence of the Irish cop. This was a profoundly significant change, as where Ignatiev argues, “It meant the Irish were officially able to defend themselves diverges from the Nativist mobs, Saxton and at Roediger is the same time carry out their own violent agenda against black people. The Protestant Ascendancy had given way degree to which he gives the White Republic," (189)Irish agency.

Ignatiev’s probing look into the Irish finding their place offers a new view on the emergence of racial ideology in America. It sheds light on glaring holes left by New Labor historians like Herbert Gutman who, Ignatiev says in the Afterward of ''How the Irish Became White'', ignore troubled race relations in an effort to discover a “usable history” to guide new labor movements. In particular, Ignatiev chides their failure to explore the relationship of “whiteness” to labor. ''How the Irish Became White'' is much more in line with works like ''The Rise and Fall of the White Republic'' and ''Wages of Whiteness''. But where Ignatiev diverges from Saxton and Roediger is the degree to which he gives the Irish agency. As he says in the introduction, <blockquote>“The outcome was not the inevitable consequence of blind historical forces, still less of biology, but the result of choices made, by the Irish and others, from among alternatives. To enter the white race was a strategy to secure an advantage in a competitive society… In viewing entry into the white race as something the Irish did “on” (though not by) themselves, this book seeks to make them the actors in their own history,” (3,4). </blockquote> On that point, ''How the Irish Became White'' most certainly succeeds in doing so.