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[[File:Reconstruction1.jpg|left|250px|thumbnail|<i>America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877</iyoutube> by Eric Foner]]__NOTOC__''This article was originally published on [httphttps://videriwww.orgyoutube.com/index.phpwatch?titlev=Reconstruction| Videri.org]''nowsS7pMApI</youtube>

====The Why did the Dunning School==blame Radical Republicans and Freedmen for Reconstruction's failure? ==According to the Dunning School, the defeated South accepted its fate and wished to rejoin the national culture. Thus, white Southerners sincerely hoped to offer the emancipated freedmen rights and protection along with equal opportunity. However, the bullying efforts of the Radical Republicans in Congress (inspired by their inherent disgust for the South) forced black suffrage, corruption, and economic dependence on the South. Carpetbaggers, scalawags , and uneducated freedman freedmen plunged the South into depression and confusion until the white South banded together to reclaim southern culture and heritage.

While the Radical Republicans were the apparent villains, Dunning and his followers ascribed blame to President Johnson as well , saddling him with responsibility for Reconstruction’s failure. Freedmen were portrayed as animalistic or easily manipulated, therefore, lacking the kind of agency they indeed exhibited. While certainly influenced by the day's racial bias of the day, the Dunning School at least formulated a coherent argument (although an incredibly inaccurate and distasteful one) that refused to fragment. This model of unity did prove somewhat valuable to historians following Dunning, even if their historical research opposed the Dunning School’s argument, “For all their faults, it is ironic that the best Dunning studies did, at least, attempt to synthesize the social, political, and economic aspects of the period.” In contrast, the Progressive historians that followed the Dunning School disagreed with some of its interpretations. President Johnson was not to blame, but rather, the Northern Radical Republicans were at fault. They cynically used the freedmen's civil rights of freedman as a means to force capitalism and economic dependence on the South.

====Why was W.E.B. Du Bois's reassessment of Reconstructionso important? ====[[File:WEB_DuBois_1918.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|W.E.B. Du Bois - 1917]]However, one work stands out from this period as a harbinger of what was to come. W.E.B. Du Bois wrote ''Black Reconstruction in America'' in 1935. Du Bois chastised historians for ignoring the central figures of Reconstruction, the freedmen. Moreover, Du Bois pointedly remarked on the prevailing racial bias of the historical inquiry up to that moment, “One fact and one alone explains the attitude of most recent writers toward Reconstruction; they cannot conceive of Negroes as men.” Du Bois’s indictment served as a precursor for the explosion of revisionist history of the 1960s , which would latch onto the argument of Du Bois and refocus the debate concerning Reconstruction to include the central figures of the freedmen.

The revisionists of the 1960s viewed the Reconstruction's heroes of Reconstruction to be the Southern freedmen and the Radical Republicans. Instead of going too far, Reconstruction failed to be radical enough. According to revisionists, Reconstruction was tragic not because it went too far and handcuffed white southerners; it was tragic because it was unable to ensure more securely secure the rights of freedmen and failed to restructure Southern society through land reform and similar measures. Following on the heels of the Revisionist School were the Post-Revisionists who viewed Reconstruction as overly conservative. This conservatism failed to achieve any lasting influence; thus, once Reconstruction ended , the South returned to its old social and economic structures.

====What is the Modern Interpretation of Reconstruction==? ==So , where has that left historians today? How do more recent historians interpret Reconstruction? Several leading historians (James McPherson, Eric Foner, Emory Thomas) have labeled either the Civil War or Reconstruction as a sort of second American revolution. Eric Foner’s work ''Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution'' openly claims Reconstruction to be a break from traditional systems (social, political, economic) prevailing in the South.

In contrast, Emory Thomas’s ''The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience'' argues the South first underwent a “conservative revolution” in breaking away from the Union since it broke from the North not to redefine itself but to maintain the status quo of the South. Ironically, according to Thomas, this first “external” revolution was subsumed by a more radical “internal” revolution which took place during the Civil War as the South attempted to urbanize, industrialize and modernize to compete with the North. Thus, the Confederacy’s leaders, whether consciously or not, the Confederacy's leaders looked to recreate the South in a way that mirrored the North in several ways. However, this brief example illustrates the differences among historians and the current scholarship on the subject of the Civil War and Reconstruction. Perhaps, the best place to start might be with conditions that existed between the North and South before the outbreak of war in 1861.

Moreover, low Southern literacy rates and its labor-intensive economy were not unique. Thus, the “folk culture” of the South valued tradition and stability, education . Education was available to only the upper classes whom , who often sent children to elite schools. Simultaneously, while political dissent was not popular since the political system rested on the foundation of patronage. In contrast, the North modernized through industrialization. Manufacturing and industry overtook the agrarian pursuits of Northern farmers. Education, unlike in the South, occupied a high position in society. Many Northerners saw education as a means of social mobility. More importantly, the North reinterpreted its ideas concerning republicanism. Accordingly, Northerners increasingly claimed to identify with egalitarian, free-market capitalism, which could only be maintained through a strong central government.

Northern republicanism was opposed to the Southern belief in republicanism emphasizing limited government and property rights of property, not to mention Southern anti-manufacturing sensibilities. Additionally, the more capital intensive economy of the North relied on wage labor and immigration. Two economic and social variables absent from the South. The rise of wage labor placed wager earners in the North in opposition to the system of slavery in the South, and the rising population of the North (from immigration) increased tensions between the two regions. Along with these differences, the West of America was growing rapidly in the image of the North. Resulting from the influence and growth of railroads, trade relations were no longer centered on the North/South relationship but rather East to West.

Moreover, the political system held a foundation based on the patronage of the planter class. According to Thomas, the South’s initial break from the Union was inspired by the hope that the South might preserve its traditions and institutions. Led by radical “fire-eaters,” Southern politicians incited animosity between the North and South, “They made a ‘conservative revolution’ to preserve the antebellum status quo, but they made a revolution just the same. The ‘fire-eaters’ employed classic revolutionary tactics in their agitation for secession. And the Confederates were no fewer rebels than their grandfathers had been in 1776,”1776”.

However, this initial ‘conservative revolution’ inspired by radicals was overtaken by the moderates of the political south who recognized the need for change. If the Confederacy were to survive economically, politically, and socially, these leaders they would mount their internal revolution. Peter Kolchin’s work ''American Slavery 1619-1877''upholds much of McPherson’s and Thomas’ arguments concerning the South’s increasingly entrenched society. Kolchin’s work attempts to synthesize the prevailing studies of the day concerning slavery in America. Divided into three sections (colonial America and the American Revolution, antebellum South, and Civil War and Reconstruction)

Kolchin weaves the historians' arguments of historians past and present into a coherent work that examines several aspects of slavery. Concerning politics and reform, Kolchin notes , “The ‘perfectionist spirit’ that undergirded so much of the Northern reform effort in antebellum years, the drive continually continues to improve both social organization and the very human character itself, was largely absent in the South."

====The How did the Civil War Changed Change the South's Social Structure==? ==In general, Thomas points out three areas of change political, economic, and social. The economic reform was extreme. As the Civil War commenced, the south had neither a large industrial complex nor many large urban areas (New Orleans stands as the lone exception). Jefferson Davis and others saw the need for increased industry and urbanization, “A nation of farmers knew the frustration of going hungry, but Southern industry made great strides. And Southern cities swelled in size and importance. Cotton , once king, became a pawn in the Confederate South. The emphasis on manufacturing and urbanization came too little, too late. But compared to the antebellum South, the Confederate South underwent nothing short of an economic revolution.”

Charles Dew’s work, ''Bond of Iron'' supports this viewpoint. Dew’s work documents the experience of both slave and master 's experience at an industrial metalworking forge in Virginia known as Buffalo Forge. Repeatedly, throughout the work, the southern industry is portrayed as anemic at best. When the Civil War unfolds, Buffalo Forge becomes one of a few industrial sources of iron within the South. To obtain maximum profit, William Weaver, the forges’ owner, used this scarcity to increase the price of ironprices. Ironically though, Dew’s work points out the difficulties in industrializing through slave labor. Slavery failed to encourage innovation, rather . Rather stability was seen as the optimum end.

Thus, once Weaver had assembled his some 70 slaves, he no longer looked to improve industrial efficiency or examine technological advancements. “After he acquired and trained a group of skilled slave artisans in the 1820s and 1830s and had his ironworks functioning successfully, Weaver displayed little interest in trying to improve the technology of ironmaking at Buffalo Forge … The emphasis was on stability, not innovation. Slavery, in short, seems to have exerted a profoundly conservative influence on the manufacturing process at Buffalo Forge, and one suspects that similar circumstances prevailed at industrial establishments throughout the slave South.” Thus, Dew’s assertion would render the Confederacy’s attempt to industrialize increasingly tricky, since the Southern labor system was not conducive to optimum industrial efficiency. Additionally, the Confederacy’s attempt to industrialize, urbanize, and in general , command, the Southern economy contrasts sharply with its belief in states’ rights federal authority. The Confederate leaders through Through such management of the economy , the Confederate leaders were contradicting themselves, yet the war called for such measures.

Besides, class consciousness began to form in the minds or of the “proletariat”, “Under the strain of wartime some “un Southern” rents appeared in the fabric of Southern society. The very process of renting what had been harmonious—mass meetings, riots, resistance to Confederate law and order—was the most visible manifestation of the social unsettlement within the Confederate South. Whether caused by heightened class awareness, disaffection with the “cause,” or frustration with physical privation, domestic tumults bore witness to the social ferment which replaced antebellum stability.” Of course, Thomas is careful to couch this class consciousness with limits, “This is not to imply that the Confederate south seethed with labor unrest; it is rather to say that working men in the Confederacy asserted themselves to a degree unknown in the antebellum period.”

Regarding social mobility, the South was forced to embrace meritocracy , at least in the area of military matters. No doubt , at the war’s beginning, the planter class dominated the military, however. However, as Thomas points out, “Before the war entered its second year, martial merit had challenged planter pedigree in the Confederate command structure. And combat provided ample opportunity for Southerners of all backgrounds to earn, confirm, or forfeit their spurs.” Again, Thomas limits his language , noting that martial merit “challenged” the aristocratic system rather than replacing it. The planter class still held a powerful position, “Still, the Confederate army was at the same time an agency of both democracy and aristocracy. Members of the planter class often won the elections to company commands.” Thus, the reader is left wondering what is meant by revolution, since Thomas seems to be saying that the South revolutionizes during the war but then retreats from its revolution once the war comes to its conclusion.

Therefore, would this not serve more aptly as an example of wartime necessities that are undertaken for war but not intended for permanence? One might respond that such cases begin the process of change since historically , once people are granted rights or freedoms , it proves to be quite difficult to reclaim such rights, mobility, or freedoms. However, one last point concerning social mobility must be made. Considering the conditions of trade for the South during the war, new ways of the trade needed to be located. Such avenues to wealth did provide many southerners previously excluded from the planter class to ascend the ladder of social mobility once new avenues or means to profit were established, “Those who were able to take advantage of new opportunities in trade and industry became wealthy and powerful men … Not only did exemplary men rise from commonplace to prominence in the Confederate period; statistical evidence tends to confirm that the Confederate leadership as a whole came from non-planters.” However, Thomas’s argument that the Civil War’s demands changed the nature of slavery in the South fails to convince. Thomas argues that increased responsibilities and rights given to slaves because of the War’s demands on the white population proved that the Confederacy was even willing to sacrifice slavery for independence, “White Southerners depended upon black Southerners to do more than till the fields and tend the campfires … As the war wore on the trend toward black labor became more pronounced. Every black man employed meant one more available white soldier .” While the nature of slavery was altered, it did so on a temporary basis. The physical lack of people in rural and even urban areas because of the war granted slaves increased autonomy. Also, the war demanded laborers, so the Confederacy was forced to pay slaves or hire them as workers (in case of labor shortage or some cases strikes). Still, this did not change their legal status as property. Once the war ended, providing the South won, slavery would have gone back to its previous form. Thomas remarks on the effects of Reconstruction on his ‘southern revolution’.

However, while Thomas’s overall argument has strength, it has a weakness that the Civil War’s demands changed the nature of slavery in the South fails to convince. Thomas argues that increased responsibilities and rights given to slaves because of the War’s demands on the white population proved that all the change he describes as revolutionary occurred strictly as a result Confederacy was even willing to sacrifice slavery for independence, “White Southerners depended upon black Southerners to do more than till the fields and tend the campfires … As the war wore on the trend toward black labor became more pronounced. Every black man employed meant one more available white soldier .” While the nature of the Civil Warslavery was altered, it did so temporarily. The United States’ experiences physical lack of people in World War I, World War IIrural and even urban areas was granted slaves increased autonomy. The war also demanded laborers, and so the Korean War illustrate the rubber band like quality Confederacy was forced to wartime societal shiftspay slaves or hire them as workers (in case of labor shortage or some cases, strikes). Shifts occurStill, but once this did not change their legal status as property. Once the war endsended, providing the shape returns with some alterations which might lead South won, slavery would have gone back to true change but nothing revolutionary or suddenits previous form. Thomas remarks on the effects of Reconstruction on his ‘southern revolution.’

SimilarlyHowever, Thomas argues while Thomas’s overall argument has strength, it has a weakness in that suspension all the change he describes as revolutionary occurred strictly as a result of civil liberties that occurred the Civil War. The United States’ experiences in World War I, World War II, and the Korean War illustrate the South was a radical departure from Southern culture. Suspension rubber band-like quality of civil liberties is a common wartime tactic (WWIsocietal shifts. Shifts occur, WWII). Lincoln did but once the same in war ends, the North. Thomas cannot use this as truly viable evidence of shape returns with some alterations which might lead to true change but nothing revolutionary changeor sudden.

====Reconstruction as Revolution====Eric Foner regards Reconstruction as Similarly, Thomas argues that the suspension of civil liberties in the South was a truly revolutionary periodradical departure from Southern culture. Foner’s workSuspension of civil liberties is a common wartime tactic (WWI, ''Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877'' focuses on four main themes concerning WWII). Lincoln did the evolution of same in the Reconstruction PeriodNorth. ''Reconstruction'' aimed to provide a coherent synthesis combining recent scholarship along with Foner’s conclusions to produce a comprehensive contemporary interpretation Thomas cannot use this as truly viable evidence of the Reconstruction periodrevolutionary change.

However, within the work, several other central themes emerge== Was Reconstruction a Revolution? ==[[File:Eric_Foner. The “remodeling” of the South serves as a central theme jpg|thumbnail|left|300px|Eric Foner in the work as 2009]]Eric Foner attempts to trace the efforts to restructure the South, “The second purpose of this study is to trace the ways in which southern society regards Reconstruction as a whole was remodeledtruly revolutionary period. Foner’s work, and to do so without neglecting ''Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877'' focuses on four main themes concerning the local variations in different parts evolution of the SouthReconstruction Period.” The emergence of new complex race and class relations throughout the South ''Reconstruction'' aimed to provide Foner another historical pillar to investigate. With the passage of the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments and the changing nature of the South, racial and class attitudes set upon a difficult task of redefining race coherent synthesis combining recent scholarship and race relations, Foner’s conclusions to produce a process that continues today. The influx comprehensive contemporary interpretation of class and its twisted relationship to race into this volatile social mixture complicates Foner’s investigation, “The evolution of racial attitudes and patterns of race relations, and the complex interconnection of race and class in the postwar South, form a third [pillar] of this bookReconstruction period.”

However, further complicating this portion within the work, several other central themes emerge. The “remodeling” of Foner’s argument is the non-linear nature of race relations South serves as a central theme in the South. Rather work as Foner illustrates throughout attempts to trace the efforts to restructure the bookSouth, “The second purpose of this study is to trace how southern society as a whole was remodeled, and to do so without neglecting the local variations in different parts of the South.” The emergence of new complex race and class relations were subject throughout the South provides Foner another historical pillar to local variables which greatly influenced interactionsinvestigate. MoreoverWith the passage of the 13th, advances did not proceed linearly. Instead14th, through complex social, politicaland 15th amendments and the changing nature of the South, racial and class attitudes set upon a difficult task of redefining race and economic interactions between races, race relations gradually evolved at times progressing, while in other moments regressinga process that continues today. African American freedmen fought for their freedoms The influx of class and liberties even when white resistance turned violent its twisted relationship to race into this volatile social mixture complicates Foner’s investigation, “The evolution of racial attitudes and exclusionary. Its this constant push patterns of race relations, and pull effect that produces the racial structure complex interconnection of race and class in the postwar South, form a third [pillar] of this book.”

However, further complicating this portion of Foner’s final two themes rest on a more national portrait argument is the non-linear nature of race relations in the postwar United StatesSouth. The United States government emerged more with increased authority over Rather as Foner illustrates throughout the statesbook, race relations were subject to local variables that greatly influenced interactions. Moreover, advances did not proceed linearly. ThusInstead, through complex social, political, Foner attempts to explain the new role of the federal government and its increasing interest economic interactions between races, race relations gradually evolved at times progressing, while in the rights of its citizensother moments, regressing. African American freedmen fought for their freedoms and liberties even when white resistance turned violent and exclusionary. Therefore, the activist nature of the Populists Its this constant push and Progressives finds its birthplace in pull effect that produces the activist nature racial structure of the postwar United States government and to some extent Reconstruction itselfSouth.

The Foner’s final theme examined in Reconstruction revolves around the influence two themes rest on a more national portrait of the North’s political and economic structure on postwar United States. The United States government emerged more with increased authority over the Southstates. Foner’s spends less time on this theme than Thus, Foner attempts to explain the others, however, as he notes it does not lack importance, “finally, this study examines how changes in new role of the North’s economy federal government and class structure affected Reconstructionits increasing interest in its citizens' rights. Many Therefore, the activist nature of the processes Populists and issues central to Southern Reconstruction – Progressives finds its birthplace in the consolidation activist nature of a new class structure, changes in the position of blackspostwar United States government and, conflicts over access to the region’s economic resources were also present, in different formssome extent, in the North … Reconstruction cannot be fully understood without attention to its distinctively Northern and national dimensionsitself.”

The major strength Reconstruction's final theme revolves around the influence of the North’s political and economic structure on the South. Foner’s work lies in its attempt to sketch for spends less time on this theme than the reader a process which Foner argues begins in 1863 with Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamationothers. In realityHowever, as he notes, Lincoln’s command held very little legitimacy since it did does not free slaves lack importance, “finally, this study examines how changes in the border statesNorth’s economy and class structure affected Reconstruction. Thus, Lincoln’s lack Many of authority over the South left his abolition of slavery in the processes and issues central to Southern states a mere symbol. Despite this fact, Foner argues that “emancipation meant more than Reconstruction – the end consolidation of a labor systemnew class structure, more even than changes in the uncompensated liquidation position of the nation’s largest concentration of private property … The demise of slavery inevitably threw open the most basic questions of the polityblacks, economy, and society. Begun conflicts over access to preserve the Unionregion’s economic resources were also present, in different forms, the war now portended a far-reaching transformation in Southern life and a redefinition of the place of blacks in American society North … Reconstruction cannot be fully understood without attention to its distinctively Northern and of the very meaning of freedom in the American republicnational dimensions.”

Thus, Foner’s work's major strength lies in its attempt to sketch for the reader a process that Foner argues begins in 1863 with Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation catalyzed into the eventual Civil Rights movement of the mid-twentieth century. Peter Kolchin interprets the effect of the Proclamation similarlyIn reality, “the Emancipation Proclamation Lincoln’s command held minimal legitimacy since it did not -immediately end slavery: free slaves in the proclamation applied only to rebel territory – where border states. Thus, Lincoln’s lack of authority over the federal government could not enforce the law – and South left untouched slaves held his abolition of slavery a mere symbol in loyal the Southern states. NeverthelessDespite this fact, Foner argues that “emancipation meant more than the end of a labor system, more even than the uncompensated liquidation of the nation’s largest concentration of private property … The demise of slavery inevitably threw open the most basic questions of the decree had enormous symbolic significancepolity, economy, transforming a conservative war and society. Begun to restore preserve the Union into , the war now portended a revolutionary war to reconstruct it.” In far-reaching transformation in Southern life and a manner, Foner uses redefinition of the place of blacks in American society and of the Emancipation Proclamation to unite two possibly “revolutionary” periods into one: very meaning of freedom in the Civil War and ReconstructionAmerican republic. ”

Since Thus, the Emancipation Proclamation occurs as a result of catalyzed the eventual Civil War, it serves as Rights movement of the bridge from mid-twentieth century. Peter Kolchin interprets the revolutionary experience effect of the Civil War to the revolutionary consequences of Reconstruction. In this wayProclamation similarly, “the Emancipation Proclamation did not -immediately end slavery: the Civil War and Reconstruction can be viewed as similar proclamation applied only to stages of rebel territory – where the federal government could not enforce the French Revolution. Each with its own unique experience law – and results, yet both contributing to an overall movement or revolutionleft untouched slaves held in loyal states. For freedmenNevertheless, Reconstruction’s beginnings were auspicious. African American political grassroots activism exploded with increased political autonomy. In an essay for ''Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction'' entitled “Black Reconstruction Leaders at the Grass Rootsdecree had enormous symbolic significance,” Foner reiterates much of his arguments concerning the re-division of racial relationships and the interaction between races. According transforming a conservative war to Foner, blacks joined associations like restore the Union League, attended conventions, participated in rallies, each of which contributed into a revolutionary war to the freedmen’s political knowledge and awarenessreconstruct it. Among” In a manner, African Americans, this political mobilization was unprecedented and without rival. Most freed blacks looked Foner uses the Emancipation Proclamation to unite two possibly “revolutionary” periods into one: the federal government for protection Civil War and acknowledgment of equal rights, since southern localities provided little protection or adopted hostile stances toward freedmen and freedwomenReconstruction.

Reconstruction argues similarlySince the Emancipation Proclamation occurs as a result of the Civil War, “But in 1867, politics emerged it serves as the principal focus of black aspirations. The meteoric rise bridge from the revolutionary experience of the Union League reflected and channeled this political mobilization. By Civil War to the end revolutionary consequences of 1867, it seemed, virtually every black voter in the South had enrolled in the Union LeagueReconstruction. The league’s main function however was political education” However, In this political awareness did not mean that it was appreciated by all Southernersway, nor did it necessarily lead to a better understanding between white the Civil War and black Southerners, “Now Reconstruction can be viewed as freedmen poured into similar to the leagueFrench Revolution stages. Each with its own unique experience and results, ‘the negro question’ disrupted some upcountry branches, leading many white members yet both contributing to withdraw altogether an overall movement or retreat into segregated branchesrevolution. For freedmen, Reconstruction’s beginnings were auspicious.” Such African American political grassroots activism redrew exploded with increased political autonomy. In an essay for ''Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction'' entitled “Black Reconstruction Leaders at the Grass Roots,” Foner reiterates much of his arguments concerning racial re-division relationships and reorganized institutionsthe interaction between races. For exampleAccording to Foner, blacks joined associations like the Union League’s acceptance of freedmen resulted League, attended conventions, participated in white flight or segregation among other branchesrallies, despite the obvious class similarities each of which contributed to the small white farmer freedmen’s political knowledge and the freedmenawareness. StillAmong African Americans, this political mobilization was unprecedented and without rival. Most freed blacks looked to the political activism by federal government to protect and acknowledge equal rights since southern localities provided little protection or adopted hostile stances toward freedmen and freedwomen signifies a great change in Southern society.

During Reconstructionargues similarly, “But in 1867, politics emerged as the most visible change in principal focus of black aspirations. The meteoric rise of the South revolved both around race relations Union League reflected and laborchanneled this political mobilization. In ReconstructionBy the end of 1867, it seemed, Foner argues that African Americans cared about more than just receiving just wages for their laborvirtually every black voter in the South had enrolled in the Union League. InsteadThe league’s main function, freedmen wanted autonomy and landhowever, “For blackswas political education” However, the abolition of slavery meant this political awareness did not an escape from mean that all laborSoutherners appreciated it, but an end nor did it necessarily lead to unrequited toil … To a better understanding between white predictions that they would not workand black Southerners, blacks responded that if any class could be characterized “Now as ‘lazy’freedmen poured into the league, it was the planters … Yet‘the negro question’ disrupted some upcountry branches, freedom meant more than simply receiving wagesleading many white members to withdraw altogether or retreat into segregated branches. Freedmen wished to take control of the conditions under which they labored” Such political activism redrew racial relationships and reorganized institutions. For example, free themselves from the subordination Union League’s acceptance of freedmen resulted in white authorityflight or segregation among other branches, despite the small white farmer and carve out the greatest measure of economic autonomy” Foner’s argument finds support from several scholarsfreedmen's obvious class similarities. Jacqueline Jones work ''Labor of LoveStill, Labor of Sorrow'' reiterates Foner’s claims. Although focusing on the labor of political activism by freedmen and freedwomen, Jones work notes the differences signifies a great change in the meaning of freedom for black women as compared to its meaning for African American men. According to Jones, black women found themselves obligated to familial concernsSouthern society.

Thus they retreated from wage During Reconstruction, the most visible change in the South revolved both around race relations and labor. In Reconstruction, Foner argues that African Americans cared about more than just receiving just wages for their labor. HoweverInstead, freedmen wanted autonomy and land, “For blacks, despite the differing focusabolition of slavery meant not an escape from all labor, Jones notes but an end to unrequited toil … To white predictions that they would not work, blacks responded that if any class could be characterized as ‘lazy,’ it was the desire for autonomy among African Americansplanters … Yet, freedom meant more than simply receiving wages. Freedmen wished to avoid take control of the chain gang like labor conditions under which they labored, free themselves from the subordination of slavery. Therefore labor was reorganized by black laborers into “non-bureaucraticwhite authority, self-regulatory, self-selecting peer groups.” Such demands by freedmen eventually would lead to and carve out the system greatest measure of sharecroppingeconomic autonomy” Foner’s argument finds support from several scholars. Unlike whitesJacqueline Jones's work ''Labor of Love, black husbands and fathers viewed familial issues as another political issue Labor of Sorrow'' reiterates Foner’s claims. Although focusing on freedwomen's labor, Jones's work notes the day such as land reformdifferences in the meaning of freedom for black women compared to its meaning for African American men. Whites failed According to share this vision and saw the “ethos of mutuality” as a threat Jones, black women found themselves obligated to free labor and self-determinationfamilial concerns.

Harold D. Woodman also notes similar manifestationsThus they retreated from wage labor. However, it must be noted; Woodman refuses to use the term “revolutionary” for despite the Civil War and Reconstruction period. According to Woodmandiffering focus, historians must assess the quality of this change, not the amount. Woodman Jones notes the need desire for reform in the former slave societyautonomy among African Americans. However, Freedmen wished to avoid the reform needed was never producedchain gang-like labor conditions of slavery. Bourgeoisie free Therefore labor was reorganized by black laborers into “non-bureaucratic, self-regulatory, self-selecting peer groups.” Such demands by freedmen eventually would lead to be the basis system of the new southern economy since the Emancipation Proclamation sharecropping. Unlike whites, black husbands and fathers viewed familial issues as another political issue of the Civil War had destroyed the previous oneday, such as land reform. New roles for both slave Whites failed to share this vision and saw the planter arose, along with the need for new lines “ethos of authoritymutuality” as a threat to free labor and self-determination.

As Foner attestsHarold D. Woodman also notes similar manifestations. However, these new relations and lines of authority could only it must be created through constant give noted; Woodman refuses to use the term “revolutionary” for the Civil War and take (strikesReconstruction period. According to Woodman, work slowdown). Planters became businessmen and merchants creating a new class historians must assess the quality of “capitalistic landlords.” Laborers developed new roles; wage labor became shared wagesthis change, which evolved into tenancy and then sharecroppingnot the amount. Woodman notes the change and its effects which he argues were new business elites preventing opportunityneed for reform in the former slave society. However, thus retarding the reform needed was never produced. Bourgeoisie free labor was the basis of the new southern economysince the Emancipation Proclamation and the Civil War had destroyed the previous one. In comparisonNew roles for both slave and the planter arose, freedmen sharecropping failed to offer economic responsibility or entrepreneurshipalong with the need for new lines of authority.

Perhaps the most ironic aspect As Foner attests, these new relations and lines of Reconstruction lay in white hopes for freedmen. Jones notes such in her work ''Soldiers of Light authority could only be created through constant give and Love''take (strikes, as many black communities chose African American teachers over white missionarieswork slowdown). Freedman wanted independencePlanters became businessmen and merchants, privacycreating a new class of “capitalistic landlords. Whites wanted freedmen to become like ” Laborers developed new roles; wage laborers in the Northlabor became shared wages, adopting middle-class valueswhich evolved into tenancy and then sharecropping. Freedmen focused more on land Woodman notes the change and its effects, which he argues were new business elites preventing opportunity, thus retarding the right to own their labor, to produce for themselveseconomy. In this waycomparison, freedmen sharecropping can be viewed as a compromise fought for by African Americans, while it failed to provide them with the offer economic independence they desired, it did grant them land and some autonomy. Thus, while this was a great change from the slave system, it failed to significantly change the lives of African Americans for the better, nor did it advance the southern economy. Woodman refuses to acknowledge this as revolutionary, “Instead of chronicling quantity we must rather assess quality: the problem is not how much change but what kind of changeresponsibility or entrepreneurship.”

So, how successful was Perhaps the most ironic aspect of Reconstruction? Foner argues that Reconstruction proved revolutionary lay in white hopes for a period but ultimately failedfreedmen. “HereJones notes such in her work ''Soldiers of Light and Love'', howeveras many black communities chose African American teachers over white missionaries. Freedman wanted independence, we enter privacy. Whites wanted freedmen to become like wage laborers in the realm of the purely speculativeNorth, adopting middle-class values. What remains certain is that Reconstruction failed Freedmen focused more on land and that the right to own their labor, to produce for blacks its failure was themselves. In this way, sharecropping can be viewed as a disaster whose magnitude cannot be obscured compromise fought for by African Americans. While it failed to provide them with the genuine accomplishments that economic independence they desired, it did enduregrant them land and some autonomy. For the nation as a wholeThus, the collapse of Reconstruction while this was a tragedy that deeply affected the course of its future development.” Thomas views the final results of Reconstruction similarly but through a slightly different historical lens. According to Thomas, Reconstruction undid the revolutionary advances of great change from the Confederacy, “Ironicallyslave system, the internal revolution went to completion at the very time that the external revolution collapsed … The program of the radical Republicans may have it failed to restructure Southern society. It may, in change African Americans' lives for the endbetter significantly, have “sold out” the freedmen in nor did it advance the Southsouthern economy. Reconstruction did succeed in frustrating Woodman refuses to acknowledge this as revolutionary, “Instead of chronicling quantity we must rather assess quality: the positive elements problem is not how much change but what kind of the revolutionary Southern experiencechange.”

Both historians view == Why was Reconstruction as was a Failure? ==So, how successful was Reconstruction? Foner argues that Reconstruction proved revolutionary for a failure in two respects: the inability to guarantee freedmen their rights and period but ultimately failed. “Here, however, we enter the retardation realm of the Southern economypurely speculative. HoweverWhat remains certain is that Reconstruction failed and that for blacks, while its failure was a disaster whose magnitude cannot be obscured by the political violence in genuine accomplishments that did endure. For the nation as a whole, the South (KKK) along with legislation collapse of black codes and Jim Crow laws severely curtailed Reconstruction was a tragedy that deeply affected the rights course of freedmen, lasting constitutional adjustments did lay the groundwork for its future battlesdevelopment. The ” Thomas views the final results of Reconstruction amendments did allow for African Americans similarly but through a slightly different historical lens. According to claim freedoms that were rightfully theirs with Thomas, Reconstruction undid the gradual successes revolutionary advances of the Civil Rights movement. Confederacy, “Ironically, the internal revolution went to completion at the very time that the external revolution collapsed … The failure program of Reconstruction resulted from several factors besides the two already mentionedradical Republicans may have failed to restructure Southern society. Foner points to It may, in the end, have “sold out” the freedmen in the North’s new fascination with industrialization and labor conflictSouth. The economics Reconstruction did succeed in frustrating the positive elements of which would shift the country’s attention away from the Reconstruction revolutionary Southern experience.”

For all its failures, even Foner acknowledges Both historians view Reconstruction as a failure in two respects: the inability to guarantee freedmen their rights and the importance retardation of Reconstruction in establishing the possibility for a more just AmericaSouthern economy. However, “the institutions created or consolidated after while the Civil War – political violence in the South (KKK) along with the legislation of black family, school, codes and church – provided Jim Crow laws severely curtailed the base from which rights of freedmen, lasting constitutional adjustments did lay the modern civil rights revolution spranggroundwork for future battles. And The Reconstruction amendments did allow for its legal strategy, African Americans to claim freedoms that were rightfully theirs with the gradual successes of the Civil Rights movement returned to the laws and amendments . The failure of Reconstructionresulted from several factors besides the two already mentioned.” Like Foner, Kolchin points out similar features of Post-Reconstruction America, “Even as blacks became to the objects of intensified racial oppression, they struggled to remake their lives as free men North’s new fascination with industrialization and women and succeeded to a remarkable degree in their efforts to secure greater independence for themselves … In assessing these developments, the question labor conflict. The economics of perspective remains critical: which would shift the South of 1910 was hardly the South they would have chosen … but it was far removed country’s attention away from the South of 1860” Reconstruction experience.

====Conclusion====ThusFor all its failures, even Foner acknowledges the importance of Reconstruction allowed African Americans to in establishing the possibility for a more fully express agencyjust America, “the institutions created or consolidated after the Civil War – the black family, while still oppressedschool, it gave blacks and church – provided the base from which the chance to counter such oppression more freelymodern civil rights revolution sprang. Networks, communitiesAnd for its legal strategy, the movement returned to the laws and relationships were all redefined and recreatedamendments of Reconstruction. Again, just as ” Like Foner maintained, Kolchin remarkspoints out similar features of Post-Reconstruction America, “And in the years after World War II, again with “Even as blacks became the help objects of white alliesintensified racial oppression, they spearheaded struggled to remake their lives as free men and women and succeeded to a “second Reconstruction” – grounded on remarkable degree in their efforts to secure greater independence for themselves … In assessing these developments, the legal foundation provided by question of perspective remains critical: the first — with South of 1910 was hardly the goal of creating an interracial society that South they would finally overcome have chosen … but it was far removed from the persistent legacy South of slavery1860.”

Subsequent counterrevolutions have consumed many revolutions throughout history== Conclusion ==Thus, Reconstruction allowed African Americans to more fully express agency while still oppressed. The French Revolution ended with France in much It gave blacks the same state as when it began the revolution with the reinstatement of the monarchychance to counter such oppression more freely. HoweverNetworks, France was forever changedcommunities, and relationships were all redefined and recreated. Retrenchment occurred yet reform had started. SimilarlyAgain, just as Foner maintained, Reconstruction failed to achieve its original aimKolchin remarks, yet“And in the years after World War II, it altered again with the South and North forever. Howeverhelp of white allies, one cannot separate Reconstruction from they spearheaded a “second Reconstruction” – grounded on the legal foundation provided by the Civil War. Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation connected first — to create an interracial society that would finally overcome the two events and united them in their revolutionary purposepersistent legacy of slavery. ”

Both Thomas and Foner are correct when they view both events as revolutionarySubsequent counterrevolutions have consumed many revolutions throughout history. The legislation passed during Reconstruction stands French Revolution ended with France in much the same state as when it began the tangible result that allowed for revolution with the legalistic protests of the Civil Rights movementmonarchy's reinstatement. However, France was forever changed. ThusRetrenchment occurred, the Civil War allowed for the passage of such legislationyet reform had started. Similarly, with Reconstruction providing the historical moment in which failed to ratify such measures. While Harold Woodman correctly asserts that the quality of change should be the measuring stick by which Reconstruction is judgedachieve its original aim, yet, his denial of its gradual influence misses it altered the pointSouth and North forever. When the FDR sent Works Progress Administration agents into the “black belt” during the Great DepressionHowever, former slaves (in interviews) repeatedly recalled both the disappointments of Reconstruction but also its accomplishments. one cannot separate Reconstruction and from the Civil War provided the light at the end of the tunnel for African Americans. While Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation connected the tunnel has been long, difficult two events and arduous and the light has still to be reached, its intensity has grown so that no longer is America and its people united them in total darknesstheir revolutionary purpose.

Both Thomas and Foner are correct when they view both events as revolutionary. The legislation passed during Reconstruction stands as the tangible result that allowed for the Civil Rights movement's legalistic protests. Thus, the Civil War allowed for the passage of such legislation, with Reconstruction providing the historical moment to ratify such measures. While Harold Woodman correctly asserts that the quality of change should be the measuring stick by which Reconstruction is judged, his denial of its gradual influence misses the point. When the FDR sent Works Progress Administration agents into the “black belt” during the Great Depression, former slaves (in interviews) repeatedly recalled both the disappointments of Reconstruction but also its accomplishments. Reconstruction and the Civil War provided the light at the end of the tunnel for African Americans. While the tunnel has been long, difficult, and arduous, and the light has still to be reached, its intensity has grown so that America and its people are no longer in total darkness. ''This article was originally published on [http://videri.org/index.php?title=Reconstruction Here is the link to original article on | Videri.org] and is republished here with their permission.] ''