Changes

Where does resistance take place? What are the meanings attached to it? By what means does opposition express itself? Luis Alvarez asks similar questions in [https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0520261542/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0520261542&linkCode=as2&tag=dailyh0c-20&linkId=e154faf3e8c484957819873b4e3773be The Power of the Zoot: Youth Culture and Resistance during World War II]. Alvarez focuses on WWII cultural resistance by nonwhite youths as expressed through mediums such as music, fashion, and dance. More specifically, <i>The Power of the Zoot </i> explores the zoot suit movement from the perspective of zoots themselves, but . It also explores how middle -class youth organizations, the popular press, municipal government, and older nonwhites who sometimes abhorred zoot culture while at other times, albeit less frequently, accepted its presence.

Joining the rising tide of historians focusing on leisure activities and cultural products as a means of resistance and expression, . Alvarez argues, “the "the zoot serves as a window on what urban authorities, social reformers, the media, older generations of Americans, and zoot suiters themselves thought about too and what was considered American.” " (2) Deviating from previous works, “The <i>The Power of the Zoot </i> departs from previous studies which have characterized zoot suiters predominantly as objects of middle -class social reform concerned with wartime juvenile delinquency, as targets of state sanctioned violence at the hands of city police and white military personnel, and as ethnic icons of resistance. Zoot suits were not simply metaphors for the political agendas of others, rather they practiced their own cultural politics which "if examined carefully can teach us a great deal about how seemingly powerless populations craft their own identities and claim dignity” argues Alvarez. (6-7)

The historical context Instead, it views them as targets of World War II gave state-sanctioned violence at the zoot suit special meaning. Ideas hands of citizenship, nationalism, city police and membership all pervaded society. The mediawhite military personnel, municipal government and others used public discourse to identify those worthy as ethnic icons of citizenship and those who resistance. Zoot suits were notmerely metaphors for the political agendas of others. As such the wearing Instead, they practiced their own cultural politics which "if examined carefully can teach us a zoot suit angered many white Americans associated wearers with laziness, delinquency, violence, and illicit sexuality. The meanings zoot suiters applied to great deal about how seemingly powerless populations craft their fashion varied. In fact, one of Alvarez’s key points suggests that zoot culture was pluralistic, diverse, own identities and overlapping. If zoots wore the fashion to claim a public dignity denied them by white society, how each zoot defined such “dignity” varied, “dignity for a black male zoot suiter in New York … was often not the same as dignity for a Mexican American female zoot suiter in Los Angeles" argues Alvarez.” (86-7) Moreover, some zoots opposed the war and others actually joined the military to fight.

Gender serves as another key aspect of The Power historical context of World War II gave the Zootzoot suit special meaning. Too often historians have only acknowledged male zootsIdeas of citizenship, howevernationalism, Alvarez examines both pachucas and pachucos including their interaction with membership all pervaded society. The media, municipal government, and relation others used public discourse to one anotheridentify those worthy of citizenship and those who were not. Popular discourse As such the wearing a zoot suit angered many white Americans, associated male zoots wearers, with effeminacy while females zoots were described as overly masculine laziness, delinquency, violence, and at other times promiscuousillicit sexuality. Though each struggled against larger societyThe meanings zoot suiters applied to their fashion varied. One of Alvarez's key points suggests that zoot culture was pluralistic, diverse, pachucos often failed and overlapping. If zoots wore their fashion to rise above the popular sexism of the timeclaim a public dignity denied them by white society, as Alavez noteshow each zoot defined such "dignity" varied, “many "dignity for a black male zoot suiters, suiter in New York … was often not the same as dignity for example reinforced submissive a Mexican American female gender roles by expecting women zoot suiters to submit to their sexual desiressuiter in Los Angeles.” " (8) StillMoreover, pachucos and pachucas also successfully challenged some zoots opposed the same gender roles they sometimes modeledwar, “the social practices and behavior of zoot suiters also often conflicted with gender norms regarding how young men and women should actothers joined the military to fight.” (5)

Why dignity? Alvarez argues “more then being Gender serves as another critical aspect of <i>The Power of the static quality of being worthyZoot</i>. Too often, historians have only acknowledged male zoots. However, honoredAlvarez examines both pachucas and pachucos including their interaction with and relation to one another. Popular discourse associated male zoots with effeminacy while females zoots were described as overly masculine and at other times, or esteemedpromiscuous. Though each struggled against larger society, dignity encompasses pachucos often failed to rise above the variety popular sexism of ways the time. As Alavez notes, "many male zoot suiters, struggled to make sense of the world around them and navigate the poverty many of them face on a daily basis… The struggle for dignity example reinforced submissive female gender roles by expecting women zoot suiters was thus a politics of refusal, a refusal to accept humiliation, a refusal submit to quietly endure dehumanization, and a refusal to conformtheir sexual desires.” " (8) ImportantlyStill, Pachuca/os challenged not only gender pachucos and sexual norms but pachucas also racial ones. The interracial aspect of zoot culture stood in opposition to dominant segregation of successfully challenged the time. In this way, zoots articulated “their own racial, same genderroles they sometimes modeled, sexual "the social practices and class identities, behavior of zoot suiters made a case for the pluralism of wartime American identityalso often conflicted with gender norms regarding how young men and women should act.”" (2375)

FurthermoreWhy dignity? Alvarez argues, zoots didn’t want to assimilate as middle class activists wanted nor did they want to “affirm their alienation” as "more than being the static quality of being worthy, honored, or esteemed, dignity encompasses the press reported …”the perspective variety of ways zoot suiters themselves suggests they often did both at , struggled to make sense of the same time.” (237) Their example provides evidence of early interracial interactions world around them and alliances that helped lay navigate the groundwork poverty many of them face on a daily basis… The struggle for the relational identities dignity by zoot suiters was thus a politics of the “rights” movements of the late 1960’s refusal, a refusal to accept humiliation, a refusal to quietly endure dehumanization, and 70sa refusal to conform. Moreover" (8) Importantly, it suggests that historians need to look to cultural arenas Pachuca/os challenged not only gender and sexual norms but also racial ones. The interracial aspect of contestation zoot culture stood in addition opposition to more traditional categories dominant segregation of the time. In this way, zoots articulated "their own racial, gender, sexual, and class identities; zoot suiters made a case for the pluralism of electoral politics or labor historywartime American identity." (237)

InterestinglyFurthermore, in the book’s final chapter Alvarez associates white resistance with increased integration and job competition with same sort of protest put forth by Pachuca/os and others. If zoots used their bodies didn't want to protestassimilate as middle-class activists wanted, so nor did they want to "affirm their alienation" as the press reported …" the white working class across perspective of zoot suiters themselves suggests they often did both at the nation as numerous cities suffered from damaging race riotssame time. As their over representation in work " (237) Their example provides evidence of early interracial interactions and alliances that helped lay the groundwork for the relational identities of the "rights" movements of the late 1960s and society became threatened by rising nonwhite efforts, whites believed their dignity to be slipping away as well, thus, they responded with physical violence70s. Alvarez not only establishes relation identities through such examplesMoreover, but also illustrates it suggests that rather than isolated, unrelated incidents historians need to look to the wave cultural arenas of urban unrest that afflicted the nation, arose from national fears stoked by ideas contestation in addition to more traditional categories of dignity, citizenship, and wartime nationalismelectoral politics or labor history.

Interestingly, in the book's final chapter, Alvarez associates white resistance with increased integration and job competition with the same sort of protest put forth by Pachuca/os and others. If zoots used their bodies to protest, so did the white working class across the nation as numerous cities suffered from damaging race riots. As their over-representation in work and society became threatened by rising nonwhite efforts, whites believed their dignity to be slipping away as well. Thus, they responded with physical violence. Alvarez not only establishes relation identities through such examples but also illustrates that rather than isolated, unrelated incidents, the wave of urban unrest that afflicted the nation, arose from national fears stoked by ideas of dignity, citizenship, and wartime nationalism.  Through this lens, the Los Angeles Zoot Suit Riots mark the earliest expression of such conflicts. Alvarez concludes The Power of the Zoot with a nod to the complicated nuance that historians must consider when exploring historical subjects, ““Illuminating . ""Illuminating the history of zoot suiters and other youth cultural workers forces us to recognize that race and ethnic history in the United States Is not a story only of conflict or togetherness, but a complicated mix of the two. If nothing else, a deeper understanding of youth culture makes clear that capturing the full complexity of the Chicana/o or African American experience is virtually impossible without accounting for how one relates to the other.” " (244)