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Immigration has been a political, social, and economic hot button issue in almost every decade since the Mexican agricultural workers were brought to U.S. became it’s own countryfarms to replace American workers dislocated by the war. Whether they are ItalianThe program was intended as a temporary wartime solution, Irish, Asian, or Middle Eastern, immigrants have made but American farms’ growing dependence on Mexican labor kept the United States their home and have introduced new and influential cultures to the country. Unfortunately program active for migrants, there are usually enormous issues facing them from their initial decision to migrate to two decades beyond the Uwar’s end.S. and even years after they arrive. Within Over the past century, Mexican migrants have seen some life of the worst treatment program, between 1942 and political hostility when it comes 1964, nearly 5 million Mexican men came to migrant worker and immigrant historythe United States on temporary, short-term agricultural contracts. Although there The bracero program is no comparison historically controversial, prompting scholars to other groups of individuals immigrating to the U.S., Mexican debate whether it was an opportunity for migrant workers have an interesting history because or exploitation of the UMexican labor.S. – Mexico border It continues to shape discussions of modern trade agreements and the political and economic policies will color ideas about how, and programs that Mexico and the U.S. have created within the last century. One program in particular is the focus of this articlewhether, the Bracero Program. It’s significance to the current issues surrounding immigration are paramount process and will continue to provide an example of the violent and discriminatory cycle that Mexican citizens go through as utilize migrant laborers in the U.Slabor.

==Problems In Mexico Pre-==Roots of the Bracero Program====The bracero program would not have been as easily implemented or as popular without the economic and cultural relationship established between Mexico and the United States since the late nineteenth century and if Mexican citizens could have made a living in Mexico. The Mexican economy had been uprooted by the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920); President Porfirio Diaz had opened Mexico’s economy to the United States in the early 1920s; railroad building across Mexico had created passageways to and from the north; and the Mexican government and companies based in the United States had bought land in Mexico for the building of maquiladoras (cotton factories) throughout the 1910s.

There are a slough of factors that lead to the creation of this program, but in order to fully understand it’s impact, it is important to layout the transnational creation of large migrant working population in Mexico. The factors that are most important begin with the Mexican Revolution and the leadership of Profirio Diaz who opened up Mexico’s economy to the U.S. and other countries who began building factories and railroads to the U.S. creating the passageways for future migrants to travel in to the U.S. The Mexican government and companies based in the U.S. would buy land and eventually most of the land Land originally owned by farmers and the working poor would be were swallowed up. Without this land by these companies, leaving these Mexican citizens who used to farm had with no other means to provide for their families. With new ‘’maquiladoras’’ or factories (mainly cotton factories) being built, many Mexicans would flood to those The economic circumstances and begin to internally migrate towards the railroads and factoriesinfrastructural possibilities were set for a culture of migratory labor.<ref> Deborah Cohen, ‘’Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico’’, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 35-37.</ref> In 1910, many of the workers employed by the cotton ‘’maquiladoras’’ and Communist Party members would join the ranks of Pancho Villa as the Mexican Revolution begins. These workers would continue to fight for workers rights and better wages within the ‘’maquiladoras’’ over the next three decades but without any real land ownership and the poor economic environment that lingered after Diaz’s reign, Mexican working and poor and the government it helped come to power, had no real choice but to head to the U.S. and it’s economic policies. <ref>See also Deborah Cohen, ‘’Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico’’, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 37.</ref>

====The Creation Bracero Programs sought to ensure access to Cheap Guest Workers for American Farms====Whatever the circumstances, Mexico has long been a source of cheap temporary labor for the United States. Until the establishment of the Program==U.S. Border Patrol in 1924, citizens of both countries crossed the border at will, and farmers in the southwestern United States recruited seasonal workers from Mexico without government oversight. Mexican workers also maintained the productivity of American agriculture after the United States entered World War I. The bracero program, at least on paper, was an extension of this type of labor arrangement—a more formal and more tightly supervised agreement to provide an adequate labor force during another global military conflict. <ref>Gonzalez, Gilbert G. Guest Workers or Colonized Labor? Mexican Labor Migration to the United States. Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2005. Study of the state of Mexican labor immigration to the United States into the early twenty-first century.</ref>

====The Creation of the Program====[[File:MexicaliBraceros,1954BraceroProgram.jpg|MexicaliBraceros,1954thumbnail|250px|left|Braceros arriving in Los Angeles in 1942 (picture by Dorthea Lange)]]The Bracero Program, officially named the Labor Importation Program, was created for straightforward economic reasons. In the 1930s, white Anglos farmers had decided to move in In mid-1941, as it became clearer to U.S. leaders that the more urban and industrious cities in order nation would have to gain more wealth than what they had been earning working their crops. With this huge shift from rural to urban industriesenter World War II, American farmers raised the government possibility that there would again be a need, as had occurred during the First World War, for foreign workers to make an important decision to bring in a maintain agricultural productivity. The United States looked south for that labor force , requesting that would be able the Mexican government provide workers to sustain their large urban population address the ongoing demands of the American agribusinesses supporting the war effort and help pick to replace the crops that would feed thempoor white, black, and Latino Americans were leaving farms to occupy jobs in better-paying industrialized factories.<ref>Cohen, 111</ref>

After Mexico was initially hesitant, owing to strained racist cultural relations that had been brewing through the Great Depression and 1930s. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 ultimately pushed Mexican leadership into providing workers for the consequential ‘repatriation’ of thousands of Mexican and even U.S. born citizens that had migrated United States as a way to actively contribute to the UAllied war effort.SThe Mexican government also believed that participation in such a program would modernize their country, transforming it into a modern nation-state. as political refugees from Even so, before Mexico would enter into a cooperative labor program with the United States, the nation demanded that four major issues be addressed: # No Mexican Revolution, workers would serve in the U.S. American military# Mexican workers would not be subject to discrimination# Mexican workers would eventually decide be given transportation to bring back some and from their jobs, would be provided with decent living conditions, and would be repatriated at the end of the their contracts# Mexican workers it had kicked out. Mexican migrants would not be a scapegoat for many decades used to replace domestic servants or to come reduce wage levels Those concerns were addressed, and each economic downturn in the Ufinal agreement that established the bracero program was signed on August 4, 1942.S. would automatically create a ‘’Mexican problem’’<ref>Edward Kosack, a cycle thrust “The Bracero Program and Effects on Human Capital Investments in to existence by this first ‘repatriation’ during the Great DepressionMexico, 1942–1964,” 2013, http://eh.net/eha/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Kosack. pdf</ref>

In 1942, ====Migrants and Scapegoats====<dh-ad/> Opponents of the U.Sprogram in both nations raised concerns almost immediately. Labor unions in the United States argued that no significant wartime labor shortage existed and Mexico struck therefore no justification for a deal that would allow Mexican citizens to become temporary large continuing influx of migrant workers in the U.S. agricultural systems. This program was supposed to be completely under the supervision Mexico and Mexican laborers raised an issue with violations of the U.S. federal government and agreement, including that all contracts would be overseen by them. NeverthelessAmerican growers made Mexican workers pay for food, lodging, between 1947 and 1951tools, the federal government had given up their role as supervisor and allowed for workers and employers required them to create perform tasks beyond those specified in their own contracts, allowing . Racism was also a common experience for certain types of discriminatory practicesthe braceros, such as extremely low pay and shanti-like living quarters. After waiting sometimes weeks on end to enter was being paid wages that were far below levels required by the Uprogram.S. they were allowed <ref>Deborah Cohen, ‘’Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects inthe Postwar United States and Mexico’’, stripped (Chapel Hill: The University of their clothes and sprayed with DDTNorth Carolina Press, 2011), a toxic chemical thought to rid Mexican migrants of diseases that they were presumed to be carrying in to the U212-213.See also Robert S. Following thatRobinson, “Taking The Fair Deal to the men would then undergo a medical examination and only the men who seemed impoverishedFields: Truman's Commission on Migratory Labor, poorPublic Law 78, and only spoke Spanish were picked by the farmers.<ref>’’Harvest of Loneliness: The Bracero Program’’Program, 1950–1952. Films On Demand” ‘’Agricultural History’’ 84, no. 3 (2010. Accessed May 21, 2016. http)://fod.infobase.com/PortalPlaylists.aspx?wID=103120&xtid=43712399.</ref>

==Migrants Regardless of complaints or violations, the program was renewed in 1947, with Mexicans expanding their work to railroads. The agricultural aspects of the agreement were also renewed in 1951, during the Korean War. Aware of the checkered history of the program, in the early 1950s President Harry S. Truman established a commission to study the agreement, evaluate complaints and Scapegoats==violations, and suggest reforms. Any recommendations made by the commission were ignored, ultimately, because the program was economically popular among growers (because of cheap labor) and consumers (who paid lower prices for bracero-harvest crops). President John F. Kennedy finally ended the bracero program in 1964 after his commission determined (and convinced Congress) that the agreement was negatively affecting wages, employment opportunities, and the working conditions of domestic laborers.

[[File:====Bracero Program's Significance==== <div class="Inquiry Widens on Job Records of Braceros-Books of More Growers in Imperial Valley Scrutinized on Falsification... - NARA - 296742.tif|portal"Inquiry Widens on Job Records of Braceros-Books of More Growers in Imperial Valley Scrutinized on Falsification... - NARA - 296742]]As the Korean War came to the surface in the 1950s, many U.S. citizens had once again felt that the ‘’illegal’’ migrants were getting out of control and were a threat to the U.S. economy in a volatile time. This time the ‘repatriation’ had a name, Operation Wetback. Under President Eisenhower, this operation would successfully deport over one million Mexican and U.S. citizens by 1954. <ref>Deborah Cohen, ‘’Bracerosstyle='float: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico’’, (Chapel Hillright; width: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 212-213.</ref> At this point, legislation had fallen through two years prior under President Truman, who tried to reinstate some kind of rights for the migrant workers. Unfortunately, the big agricultural companies and their lobbyists would thwart any efforts he had tried to make in order to come up with humane laws that the growers had to follow in order to keep migrant laborers safe and well-paid. <ref> Robert S. Robinson, “Taking The Fair Deal to the Fields: Truman35%'s Commission on Migratory Labor, Public Law 78, and the Bracero Program, 1950–1952.” ‘’Agricultural History’’ 84, no. 3 (2010): 399. </ref>

====Related Articles===={{#dpl:category=United States History|ordermethod=firstedit|order=descending|count=6}}</div>The migrant worker population would further destroy Mexico’s economy because of mass migration out of Mexico with no money returning. With Operation Wetback in full effect directly in the middle of the Bracero Programs existence, Program had major effects on both the simultaneous need for labor Mexican economy and need for scapegoats would not help Mexico’s situation economically. In the U.S. the anti-Mexican sentiment agricultural business and immigration policies. Mexico would push migrant workers in never truly recuperate from all of the Southwest to organize for their rights with migrants that were lost and the help implementation of organizations such as the United Farm Workers, NAFTA only exacerbated the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America, and League of United Latin American Citizenseconomic issues that it faced. Such organizations were pivotal Small farmers in creating the momentum for a larger Chicano Movement or ‘’El Movimiento’’ in the SouthwestMexico would continuously have to compete with U.S. imported produce that was ironically being picked by Mexican migrant workers.

The Bracero Program is still a relatively unknown historical event. Needless to say, the program had major affects on both the Mexican economy and the U.S. agricultural business and immigration policies. Mexico would never truly recuperate from all of the migrants that were lost and the implementation of NAFTA only exacerbated the economic issues that it faced. Small farmers in Mexico would continuously have to compete with U.S. imported produce that was ironically being picked by Mexican migrant workers. Additionally, the U.S. would continuously rely on Mexican and Latin American migrant workers while calling for more border reinforcement. NAFTA would continuously allow products to flow through the border but would police the bodies that would cross. Finally, NAFTA would cause enormous job losses for U.S. citizens to new ‘’maquiladras’’ ‘’maquiladoras’’ that would continue to flourish with the aid of the new trade agreement. <ref> Bill Ong Hing, ‘’Ethical Borders: NAFTA, Globalization, and Mexican Migration’’, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010), 5.</ref> Essentially, the Bracero Program is important for U.S. and Mexican history because it is a part of a larger pattern that the U.S. constantly involves itself in and only when we acknowledge this pattern can we begin to change the way that migrant labor is handled in the future.

Essentially, the Bracero Program was a vital part of U.S. and Mexican history as part of a larger pattern of migrant labor practices, whether considered opportunity or exploitation; only when we acknowledge this pattern can we begin to change the way that migrant labor is handled in the future. ====References====

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