[[File:North_of_Slavery.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|[https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0226485862/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0226485862&linkCode=as2&tag=dailyh0c-20&linkId=40e128d6dd506030d6b0a81c69269f03 North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States: 1790 – 1860 ] By Leon Litwick]]''This article was originally published on [http://videri.org/index.php?title=North_of_Slavery| Videri.org] and is republished here with their permission</i>
Leon Litwack’s examination of the treatment of African-Americans in northern states prior to the Civil War shows that freedom from slavery did not guarantee a status comparable to that of white citizens. Though slaves in the South faced more explicit deprivation of rights, “even the more subtle forms of twentieth-century racial discrimination had their antecedents in the ante bellum North.” In fact, northern whites and their political representatives actively discriminated against African-Americans because they believed that the two races were naturally unequal.
Litwack is careful not to overstate his case. Northern African-Americans had more rights than slavesLeon Litwack’s book, and many northern whites opposed slavery''[https://www. That said, “most northern whites would maintain a careful distinction between granting Negroes legal protection amazon. . .and political and social equality.” Patterns com/gp/product/0226485862/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0226485862&linkCode=as2&tag=dailyh0c-20&linkId=40e128d6dd506030d6b0a81c69269f03 North of discrimination were not uniform among Slavery: The Negro in the different states but, in sum effectFree States: 1790 – 1860]'', is an examination of the psychology treatment of prejudice combined with legal measures to “restrict northern negroes African-Americans in virtually every phase of existence.” This system undermined northern politicians who sought states prior to regulate the Civil War. The book demonstrates that freedom from slavery at the Federal leveldid not guarantee a status comparable to that of white citizens. On Though slaves in the floor South faced more explicit deprivation of rights, “even the House more subtle forms of Representatives, one congressman from Virginia once demanded: “Go home, twentieth-century racial discrimination had their antecedents in the antebellum North.” Northern whites and emancipate your free negroes. When you do their political representatives actively discriminated against African-Americans because they believed that, we will listen to you with more patiencethe two races were naturally unequal.”
Litwack is careful not to overstate his case. Northern African-Americans in the North had little political recoursemore rights than slaves, as they were excluded from voting and participation in the court systemmany northern whites opposed slavery. As suffrage expanded in the Jacksonian EraThat said, it often came at “most northern whites would maintain a careful distinction between granting Negroes legal protection. .and political and social equality.” Patterns of discrimination were not uniform among the price of insuring African-American exclusion. Massachusettsdifferent states but, Rhode Islandin sum effect, Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont granted equal voting rights, but they only accounted for some six percent the psychology of the entire prejudice combined with legal measures to “restrict northern African-American populationnegroes in virtually every phase of existence. Several ” This system undermined northern states prohibited African-Americans politicians who sought to regulate slavery at the Federal level. On the floor of the House of Representatives, one congressman from testifying against whites in court, Virginia once demanded: “Go home and many more barred them from serving on juriesemancipate your free negroes. As a resultWhen you do that, justice in northern states took on a “two-sided nature”, where sentencing for African-Americans was disproportionately harsherwe will listen to you with more patience.”
According to LitwackAfrican-Americans in the North had little political recourse, as they were excluded from voting and participation in the court system. As suffrage expanded in the Jacksonian Era, political it often came at the price of ensuring African-American exclusion had profound psychological. Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Maine, socialNew Hampshire, and economic impacts. Segregated school systems weakened education and literacyVermont granted equal voting rights, which had a dual effect but they only accounted for some six percent of impeding political mobilization and severely limiting the entire northern African-Americans’ opportunities in the labor marketAmerican population. Relegating Several northern states prohibited African-Americans to mostly menial jobs also meant that they could only afford to live from testifying against whites in the poorest neighborhoods. Efforts to move into better homes, even when it could be affordedcourt, aroused threats and even violents many more barred them from white residentsserving on juries. “The vigorous exclusion of Negroes from white residential neighborhoodsAs a result,” Litwack concludesjustice in northern states took on a “two-sided nature, “made escape from the ghetto virtually impossible.” In turn, economic and social exclustion made it very difficult where sentencing for many African-Americans to feel much optimism towards a better future. In short, northern whites viewed blacks as inferior, and they developed a system to reinforce this notionwas disproportionately harsher.
Unlike the SouthAccording to Litwack, howeverpolitical exclusion had profound psychological, the North hosted a robust abolitionist movementsocial, though prevailing racial prejuces undermined itand economic impacts. Some abolitionists made more of Segregated school systems weakened education and literacy, which had a cause of ending southern slavery than improving conditions of free blacks. Many dual effect of those who did advocate for northern blacks made a careful distinction between granting civil protections impending political mobilization and promoting integrationseverely limiting African-Americans’ opportunities in the labor market. The Philadelphia antislavery society voted by Relegating African-Americans to mostly menial jobs also meant that they could only a very narrow margin afford to live in the poorest neighborhoods. Efforts to admit black membersmove into better homes, but nonetheless proclaimed that even when it was not their “objectcould be afforded, or duty to encourage social intercourse between colored aroused threats and even violence from white familiesresidents.“The vigorous exclusion of Negroes from white residential neighborhoods,” Litwack also observes that “abolitionist literature contributed its share to concludes, “escaped the popular conception of the Negroghetto virtually impossible.” In turn, frequently referring economic and social exclusion made it very difficult for many African-Americans to his meekfeel much optimism towards a better future. In short, servilenorthern whites viewed blacks as inferior, comical, minstrel-like qualitiesand they developed a system to reinforce this notion.”
African-Americans openly participated in northern abolititionism, which was an unthinkable option in Unlike the South. “Negro abolitionism,” writes Litwackhowever, “preceded by several years the appearance of [William Lloyd] Garrison and The Liberator.” Naturally, black North hosted a robust abolitionist leaders felt frustrated by the fact that they were frequently marginalized by a movement that purported to help them, though prevailing racial prejudices undermined it. Others also saw Some abolitionists made more of a real liability in hitching the fate cause of emancipation to a white-dominated movement. In his final analysis, Litwack takes an optimistic view ending southern slavery than improving conditions of the divisions within abolitionismfree blacks. While acknowledging the “factionalism, extreme partisanship, narrow class attitudes, prejudice, and even hypocrisy” Many of the movement, he argues that it “shared these weaknesses with nearly every organized social movement and political party in antebellum America.” “The fact that abolitionists those who did not allow these weaknesses to interfere materially with their struggle advocate for northern blacks made a careful distinction between granting civil rights is at least a tribute to their sincerityprotections and promoting integration.”
Litwack clearly broke new ground with this studyThe Philadelphia antislavery society voted by only a very narrow margin to admit black members, and his thesis is well supported. Though but proclaimed that it may be unfair to ask that he achieve something different from his original aimwas not their “object, his work still leaves a reader or duty to wonder about the origins encourage social intercourse between colored and evolution of this systemwhite families. A few other questions are ” Litwack also worth asking: what were observes that “abolitionist literature contributed its share to the impacts popular conception of Dred Scott and Plessy vs. Ferguson? Both casesthe Negro, though significant in their shaping of American race relationsfrequently referring to his meek, receive little attention from Litwack here. Most importantlyservile, what was the relationship between northern systems of exclusion and southern slavery? Aside from weakening abolitionismcomical, did they influence one another?minstrel-like qualities.”
In shortAfrican-Americans openly participated in northern abolitionism, it appears that North of Slavery is which was an effective piece unthinkable option in the South. “Negro abolitionism,” writes Litwack, “preceded by several years the appearance of historiography [William Lloyd] Garrison and The Liberator.” Naturally, black abolitionist leaders felt frustrated by the fact that they were frequently marginalized by a movement that purported to help them. Others also saw a real liability in that it provokes questions about its chosen topic and inspires further researchhitching the fate of emancipation to a white-dominated movement.
In his final analysis, Litwack takes an optimistic view of the divisions within abolitionism. While acknowledging the “factionalism, extreme partisanship, narrow class attitudes, prejudice, and even hypocrisy” of the movement, he argues that it “shared these weaknesses with nearly every organized social movement and political party in antebellum America.” “The fact that abolitionists did not allow these weaknesses to interfere materially with their struggle for civil rights is at least a tribute to their sincerity.”
Litwack broke new ground with this study, and his thesis is well supported. Though it may be unfair to ask that he achieve something different from his original aim, his work still leaves a reader to wonder about the origins and evolution of this system. A few other questions are also worth asking: what were the impacts of Dred Scott and Plessy vs. Ferguson? Both cases, though significant in their shaping of American race relations, receive little attention from Litwack here. Most importantly, what was the relationship between northern systems of exclusion and southern slavery? Aside from weakening abolitionism, did they influence one another? In short, <i>North of Slavery</i> is an effective book because it provokes questions about its chosen topic and inspires further research. ====Related Topics===={{#dpl:category=African American History|ordermethod=firstedit|order=descending|count=12}} ''This article was originally published on [http://videri.org/index.php?title=North_of_Slavery| Videri.org] and is republished here with their permission.'' [http://videri.org/index.php?title=Guide_to_the_Literature Check out other great articles at Videri.org.]
[[Category:19th Century History]] [[Category:Book Review]] [[Category:United States History]][[Category:African American History]] [[Category:Videri.org]]
