Changes

Gordon Wood’s ''The Radicalism of the American Revolution'', winner of the 1993 Pulitzer Prize for History, challenges the argument that as revolutions go the America’s American Revolution lacked sufficient social or economic change to considered truly be revolutionary. Historians and philosophers (Wood cites Hannah Arendt’s ''On Revolution'' as one example) have argued that the French and other “modern revolutions” arose out of “internal violence, class conflict, and social deprivation.” (3) In contrast, America seemed to lack the wide-scale poverty and political oppression present in other revolutions. None of the revolutionaries attempted to reshape the new country’s “social order”order, ” instead they settled for more conservative measures that resulted in a government distinct from Britain’s but also sharing many striking characteristics. In fact, one One could argue, as Wood notes, that Americans were simply merely an exaggerated version of English citizens, expanding upon the emphasis on liberty and freedom present in British society. Even the American’s eventual repudiation of the English monarchy in some ways serves as an example of this exaggeration.

Wood takes issue with Progressive and neo-Progressive interpretations arguing they misread the period’s sensibilities. ''The Radicalism of the American Revolution'' focuses on the radical change that the revolution brought to how Americans organized themselves, their relation to others, the nation’s economic transformation and the resulting government. Organized into three sections: Monarchy, Republicanism, and Democracy, Wood begins with the hierarchical social structure of the colonies under the English crown continues with the concept of Republicanism and its effects on colonial society finishing with the rise of America’s modern democracy. According to Wood, the American Revolution radically altered relationships in American culture that later greatly significantly impacted its economic and political growth. The revolutionaries did have revolutionary ideas for the time, but modern historians failed to consider changing perceptions of long-standing concepts such as equality, interest, and the “disinterested gentlemen”gentlemen. ”

Under the monarchy, colonial America was a series of hierarchical relations, where everyone had superior and inferiors. This hierarchy featured a system of dependency and social obligation. The weakness of the state along with its multiple forms (since colonies lacked a unified , centralized power each had its own government structures) resulted in a society in which a patron-client paternalistic dynamic developed between colonists. Traditional relationships of the period were of this nature. For leaders of society, often referred to as “gentlemen”“gentlemen, ” reputation was of the utmost importance. If one failed to maintain his reputation or allowed others to disparage it, the individual might lose social and political authority. The weakness of the state expanded the power of such men since they were able to support others and in the thought of the day, provide an economy for locals through their consumption. Attached to these relationships were assumptions concerning various concepts such as equality, interest (government was best run by “disinterested gentlemen” who had attained such wealth that they were incorruptible, not allowing personal interest to interfere with the common good), and the idea of work (work meant you were not a gentlemen even if rich which later led to odd alliances after the revolution between more proletarian workers and factory owners who were not considered of the highest class because they still engaged in labor). The concept of republicanism permeated colonial society. Wood argues it inhabited segments of the British colonies well before the revolution, however, the revolution greatly accelerated republicanism’s influence. Population expansion, migration, capitalism and republicanism all combined to undermine the patron-client relationships that had been so ubiquitous under the crown. The rapid population shifts led to a society in which it became harder to maintain stable populations under which hierarchical social structure held. The expansion of the economy increased business activity such that merchants no longer depended on one’s reputation, instead the “mutual mistrust” between businessmen encouraged the use of contracts. Moreover, expanding businesses needed access to credit, contributing to the growth of the banking industry, but at the expense of the old client-patron relationship, as the benevolence of the local “gentlemen” became less relevant.

Attitudes about work and The weakness of the accumulation of wealth changed, as capitalism state expanded. Revolutionaries like John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson believed that the old monarchical society unfairly excluded individuals power of skill because of its hierarchical nature. Instead, such men since they wanted were able to support others and were believed to create a society led by provide an “aristocracy of virtue and talent”economy for locals through their consumption. They promoted ideas These men held certain assumptions about concepts such as an “equality of opportunity” rule by “disinterested gentlemen” equality, interest, and the exclusion idea of “interest” from the decisions of governmentwork that seem fairly antiquated today. However, as Wood explains in his third section Democracy, These widely held beliefs included the concepts the revolutionaries promoted notion that governments were co-opted best run by others “disinterested gentlemen” who then redefined or altered their meanings. For examplehad attained wealth, if revolutionaries such as Jefferson believed in an “equality of opportunity”, others expanded on this ideal suggesting social equality (so they were incorruptible and unwilling to allow personal interest to interfere with the exception of women and slavescommon good. Additionally, though Wood does note women’s legal rights they believed that work meant you were not gentlemen even if you were expanded after the revolution) rich which few of the revolution’s leaders would have endorsed. Another example relates later led to the ideas of work and self-interest. As the economy expanded following odd alliances after the revolution, early populist rhetoric surfaced that called into question previous understandings of interest between more proletarian workers and “gentlemen”. To be factory owners who were not considered a gentleman prior to of the revolution meant one had wealth but also did not have to work. “Gentlemen” became the targets of diatribes that criticized them for idleness, their claims of “disinterest” lacked resonance since arguments were made that highest class because they acted still engaged in self-interest to maintain their station in society. In fact, as the idea of democracy spread, some leaders argued that interests should be in the public square competing. Old ideas such as Benjamin Franklin ’s suggestion that members of Congress forgo salaries met with respected disagreementlabor.

While some historians claim Jacksonian America created The concept of republicanism permeated colonial society. Wood argues it inhabited segments of the United States’ modern democracyBritish colonies well before the revolution. However, the revolution greatly accelerated republicanism’s influence. Population expansion, migration, capitalism, Wood argues Jackson’s administration only “legitimized it” creating bureaucratic organizations and political parties but republicanism all combined to undermine the patron-client relationships that had been so ubiquitous under the Revolution’s practitioners were truly responsiblecrown. The rapid population shifts led to a society in which it became harder to maintain stable populations under which hierarchical social structure held. Several former revolutionaries disagreed strongly with these and other changes to their principlesThe expansion of the economy increased business activity such that merchants no longer depended on one’s reputation. YetInstead, despite the misgivings “mutual mistrust” between businessmen encouraged the use of its former leaderscontracts. Moreover, expanding businesses needed access to credit, contributing to the American Revolution accelerated a process that completely reshaped growth of the banking industry, but at the paternalistic world expense of colonial America. The hierarchical monarchical society dependent on patron-the old client relationships was replaced with a more egalitarian, self-interestedpatron relationship, and openly commercial culture (previously as the pursuit benevolence of “profit” had been looked down upon)the local “gentlemen” became less relevant.

Wood’s book focuses exclusively on elitesAttitudes about work and the accumulation of wealth changed, few if any common people appearas capitalism expanded. In additionRevolutionaries like John Adams, much of Wood’s argument depends on the changing definitions of concepts or ideas. HoweverBenjamin Franklin, both are malleable and subject to change. This change does not always merit Thomas Jefferson believed that the designation as “revolutionary”. Essentially, though the revolutionaries wanted to “radically” change old monarchical society by the standards unfairly excluded individuals of the period, they hoped to replace one society skill because of dependency with another i.e. monarchy/ruler-subject/nobility swapped for republicanism/master-slave/"aristocracy of talent")its hierarchical nature. They lost control when others appropriated ideas like equality and interest redefining them in their own favor. The expansion of democracy Instead, they wanted to universal male suffrage in most states create a nation led by 1825 serves as an example “aristocracy of the expansion of concept many revolutionaries would have opposedvirtue and talent”. When “proto-industrialization” unfolded in the early nineteenth century traditional relationships eroded further. As the economy expanded, so did the people’s taste for “luxuries” stimulating growth, thus no longer were They promoted ideas such goods reserved for the wealthy. “Prosperity” had been thought to be detrimental to average Americans since it robbed them of initiative, but economic expansion proved this belief incorrect. Poverty was no longer seen as the motivation for citizens to work. The banking system that developed around these economic changes expanded access to credit for many Americans, befuddling many former revolutionaries who never adapted to the economic transformation of America they themselves helped create. The economic sphere radically reshaped most aspects of Americans lives including religion. The only thing that bound citizens together in this constantly changing nation was the American Revolution, even if views on what it meant or its basic value differed, the revolution itself served to bind people, “To be an American could not be a matter “equality of blood; it had to be a matter of common belief opportunity” rule by “disinterested gentlemen” and behavior. And the source exclusion of that common belief and behavior was “interest” from the American Revolution: it was the revolution, and only the Revolution that made them one people.” (336)decisions of government.

However, as Wood explains in his third section Democracy, the concepts the revolutionaries promoted were co-opted by others who then redefined or altered their meanings. For example, if revolutionaries such as Jefferson believed in an “equality of opportunity”, others expanded on this ideal suggesting social equality (with the exception of women and slaves, though Wood does note women’s legal rights were expanded after the revolution) which few of the revolution’s leaders would have endorsed. Another example relates to the ideas of work and self-interest. As the economy expanded following the revolution, early populist rhetoric surfaced that called into question previous understandings of interest and “gentlemen."  To be considered a gentleman prior to the revolution meant one had wealth but also did not have to work. “Gentlemen” became the targets of diatribes that criticized them for idleness, their claims of “disinterest” lacked resonance since arguments were made that they acted in self-interest to maintain their station in society. In fact, as the idea of democracy spread, some leaders argued that interests should be in the public square competing. Old ideas such as Benjamin Franklin ’s suggestion that members of Congress forgo salaries met with respected disagreement.  While some historians claim Jacksonian America created the United States’ modern democracy, Wood argues Jackson’s administration only “legitimized it” creating bureaucratic organizations and political parties but that the Revolution’s practitioners were truly responsible. Several former revolutionaries disagreed strongly with these and other changes to their principles. Despite the misgivings of its former leaders, the American Revolution accelerated a process that completely reshaped the paternalistic world of colonial America. The hierarchical monarchical society dependent on patron-client relationships was replaced with a more egalitarian, self-interested, and openly commercial culture (previously the pursuit of “profit” had been looked down upon). Wood’s book focuses exclusively on elites, few if any common people appear. In addition, much of Wood’s argument depends on the changing definitions of concepts or ideas. However, both are malleable and subject to change. This change does not always merit the designation as “revolutionary”. Essentially, though the revolutionaries wanted to “radically” change society by the standards of the period, they hoped to replace one society of dependency with another i.e. monarchy/ruler-subject/nobility swapped for republicanism/master-slave/"aristocracy of talent"). They lost control when others appropriated ideas like equality and interest redefining them in their favor. The expansion of democracy to universal male suffrage in most states by 1825 serves as an example of the expansion of concept many revolutionaries would have opposed.  When “proto-industrialization” unfolded in the early nineteenth century, traditional relationships eroded further. As the economy expanded, so did the people’s taste for “luxuries” stimulating growth, thus no longer were such goods reserved for the wealthy. “Prosperity” had been thought to be detrimental to average Americans since it robbed them of the initiative, but economic expansion proved this belief incorrect. Poverty was no longer seen as the motivation for citizens to work. The banking system that developed around these economic changes expanded access to credit for many Americans, befuddling many former revolutionaries who never adapted to the economic transformation of America they helped create. The economic sphere radically reshaped most aspects of Americans lives including religion. The only thing that bound citizens together in this constantly changing nation was the American Revolution, even if views on what it meant or its basic value differed, the revolution itself served to bind people, “To be an American could not be a matter of blood; it had to be a matter of common belief and behavior. And the source of that common belief and behavior was the American Revolution: it was the revolution and only the Revolution that made them one people.” (336). Of course, Wood’s book has endured criticism. First, the South barely appears in Wood’s formation. His examples overwhelmingly arise from northern examples with some notable exceptions. Second, Wood pays gender little to no attention. Republicanism rested on the domesticity and labor of women who provided a vital workforce and ideological ferment (think Republican motherhood) , but Wood ignores much of this.