How did the World React to the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan in 1978 according to the CIA

In February 1980, the Central Intelligence Agency published an interagency memo that evaluated the worldwide response to the invasion of Afghanistan. While the memo is a product of its time, it provides a comprehensive overview of how the world perceived and reacted to the Soviet Invasion. Some portions of the memo were redacted, but most of the memo was preserved. In a few portions of the memo, we have included the word ""REDACTED" where portions of the text were missing.

Worldwide Reaction to the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan

International public reaction to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has been overwhelmingly negative, although in varying shades of intensity In the case of several states, negative private reaction among government leaders has been masked by silence or in some cases lukewarm public support for the invasion. Some public backing for Moscow, particularly by radical Arab states, has hidden private apprehensions over future Soviet goals. 25X1

As expected, outright approval has come only from those states having well-established relations with or dependent on the USSR, such as the hardline Warsaw Pact states, Cuba, Ethiopia, and Angola. And Hungary, Poland, and Bulgaria, while providing official support, have expressed private fears to

US diplomats that the invasion will hurt their growing economic relations with the United States. The nature of the reactions and the motives behind them have varied with each country's geopolitical, economic, military, and religious concerns:

• Most of the 18 votes against the UN General Assembly resolution calling for the removal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan came from Communist or Marxist countries or from states heavily dependent on Moscow for economic and military support.
• Many Near East and South Asian nations see the Afghan situation as a problem between the superpowers in which they should not become involved.
• Many other developing countries view the crisis in superpower versus Third World terms.
• Islamic religious political parties and groups worldwide have been hostile to the Soviet intervention.

On the issue of sanctions and reprisals against the Soviet Union, few states are taking action on their own. Those that are can generally afford to, both financially and militarily, because of solid relations with the United States.

Some states, such as Egypt and China, have publicly promised aid to the Afghan guerrillas. Most small, developing nations, however, probably prefer collective action, if any, and may go no further than their vote on the UN resolution.

Some of the smaller African nations appear to have abstained from the vote to avoid endangering their access to aid from either the West or the Communist bloc. Yet, some who have sought Soviet aid, such as Jamaica voted in favor of the UN resolution, possibly at some cost to themselves.

Arab States

Moderate Arab states have generally condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Of the radical Arabs, only Iraq has criticized the Soviets. The other radical states and the Palestinians have offered varying degrees of public support to Moscow, although some are privately critical and 26X4 apprehensive about Soviet goals in the region.

Within the moderate ranks, only Egypt has taken concrete steps to penalize the USSR. The recent tentative improvement in Egyptian/Soviet relations has all but collapsed. Cairo has canceled plans to send an ambassador to Moscow and has ordered a sharp reduction in the Soviet diplomatic presence in Egypt. Cairo has repeated its offer of military facilities for US use in dealing with crises in the Middle East and has appealed to other Islamic states to join a united anti-Soviet campaign. High-ranking Egyptian officials have met with—and promised military assistance to exiled Afghan leaders.

Saudi Arabia and Morocco, which do not suffer from Egypt's diplomatic isolation within the Arab world, worked with Pakistan to convene a meeting of Islamic Foreign Ministers. This gathering has resulted in a call for increased assistance to Pakistan, Iran, and the insurgents in Afghanistan, further condemnation of the Soviets, and suspension of Afghan membership in the Islamic conference. The sole Arab member of the UN Security Council, Tunisia, joined with non-Arab Islamic members in sponsoring the Soviet-vetoed resolution calling for an end to foreign military involvement in Afghanistan. All of the moderate Arabs voted in favor of the General Assembly resolution.

Of the radical Arab states, South Yemen has defended the Soviets vigorously because of its arms supply relationship with the USSR and because the two countries recently signed a friendship treaty. Syria and the Palestine Liberation Organization also have backed the Soviets publicly, but with notably less enthusiasm. Members of the Arab “Steadfastness Front”—Syria, Algeria, Libya, South Yemen, and the PLO—met in Damascus on 16 January in an attempt to marshal renewed Arab backing for their anti-Egypt and anti-US campaign. All references in their concluding joint statement that pertained to the USSR were positive, and they praised the policies and orientation of the new government in Afghanistan. Algeria, Libya and the PLO nonetheless decided to participate in the Islamic Foreign Ministers meeting on Afghanistan. Iraqi President Saddam Husayn has personally condemned the Soviets, fueling speculation that Baghdad's apprehensions about Soviet goals in the region might ultimately lead Iraq to abrogate its friendship treaty with the USSR.

Arab media comment on the Afghan situation has made clear that many Arabs, even the moderate small states of the Persian Gulf, see the crisis primarily as a problem between the superpowers that the Arabs would be wise to avoid. This attitude reduces the likelihood that the Arabs will cooperate with the United States in any anti-Soviet action that carries risks or costs for them. Some Arab spokesmen have coupled their attacks on the USSR with warnings against possible US military action in the Persian Gulf region.

Some of the Arabs have defended their mild responses to the Soviet invasion as being in line with their policies concerning the occupation of Arab land by a US proxy—Israel. The Arabs clearly believe that the unresolved Palestinian question, not Soviet expansionism, is the most serious threat to political stability in the Middle East.

Israel

The Israelis predictably interpret recent events in Iran and Afghanistan as support for their longstanding contention that the central destabilizing factor in the region is not the Arab-Israeli conflict but a combination of Soviet expansionism, growing domestic instability in the Muslim states, and the Islamic revival. Given its perception of rapidly worsening regional instability, the Begin government will be even less willing to consider major concessions on Palestinian autonomy. Instead, Begin will increasingly emphasize the critical “larger” need for cooperation on regional security among the United States, Egypt, and Israel.

Iran

Iran has officially condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and many Iranian officials, both secular and clerical, have strongly criticized the Soviets. The Soviet Embassy in Tehran has been attacked twice by Afghan and Iranian crowds. Already strained relations between Tehran and Kabul have deteriorated further. By recent Iranian standards, however, the reaction has been restrained. Ayatollah Khomeini has not publicly commented directly on the Soviet move, and Iran has taken a low profile in the UN. In part this has reflected Iran's preoccupation with the hostage crisis and its need for Soviet support in the UN Security Council. In addition, the Iranians are well aware of Soviet military power and do not want to provoke their northern neighbor.

South Asia

Among the South Asian countries, India's reaction to the events in Afghanistan has been the mildest. The responses of the other four countries have been far more negative, and all have been tempered by regional and domestic considerations. Only one state, Pakistan, is directly affected by the Soviet invasion, but it tends to view the situation as both an opportunity and a long-term threat.

Strongly critical of the Soviet intervention, Pakistan organized a conference of Islamic Foreign Ministers, which began in Islamabad on 27 January REDACTED condemn the Soviet Union, call for the immediate withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan, refuse recognition of the puppet regime in Kabul, pledge support to the Afghan resistance movement, and study the possibility of imposing economic sanctions on the USSR. These actions would be consistent with Pakistan's vehement public denunciation of the Soviet action, based on real fears about Soviet intentions concerning Pakistan, particularly Baluchistan province, as well as the long-term effect of a Soviet military presence on Pakistan's borders.

The convening of the Islamic Foreign Ministers, however, is only one of Islamabad's tactics for lining up support for its position. Negotiations with the United States and China will lead to other possibilities. REDACTED

India, whose foreign and defense policies are decided by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi has accepted the Soviet invasion. Though she does not REDACTED

Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka have all strongly condemned the Soviet invasion. In late December and early January, Bangladesh was active in promoting Security Council action in Afghanistan and was an early supporter of the calling of the Islamic Foreign Ministers Conference. Demonstrations by Islamic groups took place in front of the Soviet Embassy in Dacca, and there were reports that some Soviet cultural and trade centers would be burned and destroyed, allegedly with the tacit approval of the Bangladesh Government

Bangladesh leaders still condemn the invasion privately, but they have begun to mute their public criticism under increasing Soviet pressure and to minimize their role in advocating the Islamic conference. President Ziaur Rahman reportedly has stated that faced with the choice of alienating the United States or the USSR, he would not hesitate to alienate the United States first. Bangladesh is inclined to follow other Islamic states, particularly Saudi Arabia, rather than pursue its own initiative on the invasion issue to avoid exposing itself to further pressure from the Soviets.

Nepal supported the UN resolution calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan, but probably will not take an active role in any efforts to implement it. Ultimately, Nepal's reaction will be largely dictated by its geographical location between two giants, India and China, who have adopted significantly different responses to the crisis. Sri Lanka also supported the UN resolution, but subsequently has adopted a quieter "wait and-see" attitude