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<div><br />
== Introduction and Background ==<br />
The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, or the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male, was a United States Public Health Service (USPHS) study that ran from 1932-1972. This study was less of an experiment, and more of an observation, or “study in nature,” on the course of untreated, latent syphilis in Black men. This study is highly controversial—and not just based on historical hindsight. Racist assumptions about Black men, Black sexuality, and Blackness in general paved the way for these predominantly white scientists and social scientists to conduct their experiments without spending too much time on the moral or ethical quandaries involved—which included: misinformation, lying, sitting back and watching the spread of a communicable disease, denial of treatment when one became available, and even prohibiting others from providing treatment when or if these patients sought it out on their own.<br />
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In total, about 600 Black men were enrolled in this study. About 400 of them had syphilis, and the remaining 200 were the non-syphilitic control group. When, or if, a member of the control group contracted syphilis, they were simply moved from the control group to the experimental group. Macon County, Alabama, was selected as the site for this study due to findings from an earlier 1929 study backed by the Julius Rosenwald Fund on “the prevalence of syphilis” among Black men. According to this study, Macon County—of which the city of Tuskegee is the county seat—had “the highest syphilis rate of the six counties surveyed.”<ref>Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of f the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," The Hastings Center Report, vol. 8, no. 6 (1978): 21-29, p. 22.</ref><br />
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In the early 20th century, other clinics and physicians had studied syphilis treatments options. Some treatment options, like mercurial ointments, were of little value, while arsenic treatment seemed to offer some relief to some syphilitic patients. Additionally, these options were only for early syphilis symptoms like inflammation. They didn’t cure syphilis, nor did they prevent some of the maladies associated with latent syphilis—like insanity, cardiovascular disease, and death. If scientists could watch syphilis as it progressed untreated, they might be able to learn from it. Furthermore, doctors in the USPHS wondered whether syphilis ran its course differently in whites than Blacks. While other scientists had not argued that these experiments should prevent treatment of disease, “the doctors who devised and directed the Tuskegee Study accepted the mainstream assumptions regarding Blacks and venereal disease. The premise that Blacks, promiscuous and lustful, would not seek or continue treatment, shaped the study. A test of untreated syphilis seemed ‘natural’ because the USPHS presumed the men would never be treated; the Tuskegee Study made that a self-fulfilling prophecy.”<ref>Brandt, p. 23.</ref><br />
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== The Study ==<br />
In order to recruit men for their study, the doctors involved in the experiment were quick to assure their subjects that these were not draft physicals. Officials assumed most of the subjects would test positive for syphilis and lamented the wasted studies that would be necessary to locate the small number of patients who were negative. To coerce their subjects into participation, the doctors told the men they were sick and needed treatment—that they offered for free (the treatments were essentially placebos that did nothing to interfere with their study of syphilis). The men were also given hot meals regularly. Subjects experienced examinations and painful spinal taps. To keep interest, the study also offered to cover burial expenses so that they could perform autopsies when the men died of their untreated disease.<br />
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By 1936, some of the first findings from this study were shared with the American Medical Association. In 1936, “only 16 percent of the subjects gave no sign of morbidity as opposed to 61 percent of the controls. Ten years later,” their study found that the experimental group’s life expectancy was reduced by 20 percent, and by 1955, they concluded “that slightly more than 30 percent of the test group autopsied had died directly from advanced syphilitic lesions of either the cardiovascular or central nervous system.”<ref>Brandt, p. 25.</ref><br />
[[File:Tuskegee Syphilis Study.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|A U.S. public health worker drawing blood from a man as part of the Tuskegee syphilis study in Macon county, Alabama.]]<br />
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== The Controversies: ==<br />
The very premise of this study was to see how a dangerous disease progressed in a group of test subjects the doctors and scientists described as “ignorant and easily influenced.” Dr. Raymond Vonderlehr, who was directly in charge of the study in Tuskegee once stated, “Naturally, it is not my intention to let it be generally known that the main object of the present activities is the bringing of the men to necropsy.”<ref>Brandt, p. 25.</ref> Given these explicit desires to see a disease run its fatal course, the scientists at the helm had little interest in providing treatment once it became available—and it did. By the 1950s, penicillin was regularly and effectively used to treat syphilis in patients, but USPHS made no effort or attempt to administer penicillin to its patients. Not only that, USPHS went out of their way to ensure that their subjects were unable to get treatment elsewhere. In 1934, Vonderlehr advised individual physicians in the area to not treat the men in their study. USPHS advised a mobile VD unit to not treat their subjects when they came to Tuskegee in the 1940s, and when the men were drafted in the Army in 1941, USPHS “supplied the draft board with a list of 256 names they desired to have excluded from treatment, and the board complied.”<ref>Brandt, p. 26.</ref> The test subjects were already participating in a study, and may not have felt the need to seek treatment elsewhere—believing they were already getting treatment from USPHS doctors. In the 1950s and 1960s, the USPHS voted to continue with the experiment. It was only when Jean Heller broke the story for the Associated Press on July 25, 1972 that the public became aware of this study. Even when the story broke, USPHS doctors were still collecting data.<br />
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== The Aftermath ==<br />
In response to public outcry, the US department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) began an investigation. The primary ethical concerns were whether subjects were given proper informed consent, and whether penicillin should have been administered when it was recognized as a suitable treatment for syphilis. The dozens of men who died after that time were then preventable deaths, and the infection of wives, sexual partners, and children could have been prevented as well.<br />
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While HEW believed the men participated of their own free will, the experiment was “ethically unjustified” because the doctors lied to their test subjects. Despite the clear ethical violations, other physicians were defending this study as late as 1974. Many of these defenses relied, too, on racial assumptions about the Black test subjects and their supposed unwillingness to seek medical treatment of their own. <ref>Brandt, p. 27.</ref> Thankfully, Heller’s expose brought this study to an end, but it is possible that this experiment taught us about racist medical discourse than it did about latent syphilis in Black men.<br />
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According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), "in the summer of 1973, a class-action lawsuit was filed on behalf of the study participants and their families. In 1974, a $10 million out-of-court settlement was reached. As part of the settlement, the U.S. government promised to give lifetime medical benefits and burial services to all living participants."<ref>The Tuskegee Timeline, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, https://www.cdc.gov/tuskegee/timeline.htm.</ref> These benefits were expanded in 1975, and 1995 to include wives or widows and children, respectively. Though all the participants and their spouses are now deceased, there are still a handful of their offspring who are still covered by these settlements.<br />
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== References ==<br />
<references /><br />
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== Additional Sources ==<br />
"About the USPHS Syphilis Study," Tuskegee University, https://www.tuskegee.edu/about-us/centers-of-excellence/bioethics-center/about-the-usphs-syphilis-study.<br><br />
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Gray, Fred D. ''The Tuskegee Syphilis Study: The Real Story and Beyond''. Montgomery: NewSouth Books, 1998.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Tuskegee_Syphilis_Study.jpg&diff=20862File:Tuskegee Syphilis Study.jpg2020-08-27T21:14:04Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_the_Fatty_Arbuckle_Scandal_and_how_did_it_influence_Hollywood%3F&diff=20861What was the Fatty Arbuckle Scandal and how did it influence Hollywood?2020-08-26T22:20:42Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Created page on Fatty Arbuckle Scandal and its effect on Hollywood</p>
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<div>In the 1920s and 1930s, as Hollywood became a more organized institution with recognizable, marketable actors and actresses, individuals who were part of this unique, and exclusive community came under increasing scrutiny. Men and women who were a part of this elite circle were subjects of gossip, and their exploits were were laid bare and exposed to the reading public. According to historian Lois Banner, actors and actresses' lives were described as "free and easy" in almost every sense of the phrase, and a series of scandals, including those of Roscoe "Fatty" Arbuckle, created an opportunity for critique.<ref>Lois Banner, 'American Beauty', p. 183.</ref><br />
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== Roscoe "Fatty" Arbuckle ==<br />
Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle was born in Kansas in 1887. His family moved to Santa Ana when he was about two, and with his mother’s encouragement, he began to act and sing on stage. However, his father no longer encouraged his acting when his mother passed away. Arbuckle seemed to give up on his passion and took odd jobs to get by. One day, when a customer overheard him singing while working, he was encouraged to perform at a talent show. The crowd, however, didn’t care for his singing. He tripped and fell off the stage—which sent the audience into a laughing frenzy. It was this that brought him to begin a career in vaudeville.<br />
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In 1913, he signed with Mack Sennett’s Keystone Film Company and became one of the Keystone Kops. The Keystone Kops was a slapstick comedy sitcom of the silent era that featured Arbuckle and a handful of other actors as a squad of incompetent police officers. In the show, Arbuckle’s weight—which hovered between an estimated 250 and 300 pounds—was often part of the comedic act. Though he despised the nickname “Fatty,” it stuck.<br />
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[[File:Crazy to Marry Poster.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|This is a poster for Arbuckle's film Crazy to Marry.]]<br />
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== Arbuckle's Career ==<br />
Arbuckle continued to do well in his career, and then in 1921, he signed a 3-year, $1 million contract with Paramount. The size of this contract was unheard of in this era. Furthermore, he had just been paid for completing 18 silent films for the studio, and his most recent film, Crazy to Marry, was in theaters across the country. Arbuckle seemed at the top of his career, and his friends planned a party to celebrate his success and let loose on Labor Day weekend.<br />
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== The Scandal ==<br />
At first, Arbuckle didn’t really want to have the party. He was exhausted from work, and when he was getting his car serviced in Los Angeles, he sat on an acid-soaked rag and got 2nd degree burns on his backside. Nevertheless, his friend insisted on the party. On the Saturday of Labor Day weekend, Arbuckle and his friend, Fred Fischbach, drove from Los Angeles to the St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco. By the end of the weekend, Arbuckle would be sitting in a jail, held without bail, for the murder of 25-year-old Virginia Rappe.<br />
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Fischbach had arranged everything. The hotel rooms, the invitations, and the liquor (even though this was during the Prohibition era). They had a suite and two adjoining rooms in the St. Francis Hotel. Not surprisingly, there were a number of uninvited guests—most notably Maude Delmont and Virginia Rappe. Rappe was an aspiring actress, model, and party girl while Delmont was a known blackmailer and purported madam. Arbuckle didn’t care for their presence because he worried they might bring negative attention to the party.<br />
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Those are the facts. From here, there are two versions to the story.<br />
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==== Arbuckle’s Version of Events: ====<br />
Arbuckle claimed he had a few drinks with Rappe, after which he claimed she became hysterical. According to Arbuckle, Rappe complained she couldn’t breathe and began to tear off her clothes. Arbuckle claims he was never alone with her, and that he had witnesses who could attest to that. He also said they could confirm she was unwell since they saw her vomiting in the bathroom. According to Arbuckle, he and the other partygoers thought she simply had too much to drink, so they left her in a room alone to recover. When partygoers later checked on Rappe, they recognized she was still unwell and called on the hotel staff to get her out of there, but she was not taken to a hospital immediately. Rappe was eventually taken to a hospital, and she died from peritonitis caused by a ruptured bladder.<ref>Gary F. Fine, "Scandal, Social Conditions, and the Creation of Public Attention," p. 300 and Johnson, "Fatty Arbuckle Trials (1921-1922)," p. 242-243.</ref><br />
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==== Delmont’s Version of Events: ====<br />
According to Delmont, Rappe and Arbuckle had a few drinks, and then he pulled her into an adjoining room. Delmont heard Arbuckle say “I’ve waited for you five years and now I’ve got you.” Delmont claimed that after about half an hour, she heard screaming, so she forced her way into the room. Delmont claimed that she saw Rappe sprawled on the bed, naked and bleeding crying: “Arbuckle did it.” According to Delmont’s version of events, the ruptured bladder was caused by Arbuckle’s heft atop Rappe when he was raping her. Some journalists accused Arbuckle of raping her with a foreign object.<br />
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==== The Aftermath ====<br />
With these two versions of events in play, Arbuckle was soon arrested and charged with murder.<br />
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[[File:Arbuckle Mugshot.jpg||thumbnail|left|250px|San Francisco PD Mugshot of Arbuckle shortly after Rappe's death.]]<br />
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The newspapers went wild. According to William Randolph Hearst, the Arbuckle story sold more papers than the sinking of the Lusitania.<br />
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People reacted immediately to the accusations against Arbuckle. His movies were pulled from theaters across the country, and his party, and the scandal, became representative symbols of the immorality in Hollywood. <br />
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The incident split the motion picture industry—with “one group convinced of the big comedian’s blameleness and determined to aid him to clear his name, and the other equally determined to ‘see justice done.’”<ref>“Murder Charge Placed Aagainst Fatty Arbuckle,” Indianapolis Star, September 12, 1921, 1.</ref> Lambasting Arbuckle, Henry Lehrman, film director and Rappe’s fiancé, exclaimed: this “is from making idols and millionaires out of people that you take from the gutter.”<ref>Quoted in “Murder Charge Placed Against Fatty Arbuckle,” Indianapolis Star, September 12, 1921, 2.</ref> The result of the trial put Hollywood, and the motion picture industry under intense public scrutiny. Historian Lois Banner stated that performers’ private lives became public—and publicized—as “free and easy.” One authority high up in the theatrical world remarked: That [in] Hollywood… Stories of drug parties, liquor parties, and other forms of debauchery by certain individuals at various parties throughout the country are no longer new. In the aftermath of Virginia Rappe’s death, the film industry went on the attack against allegations that they were particularly immoral. The Billboard newsletter urged Hollywood to “purge” the trade of “those intruders whose actions have brought only discredit upon the film industry.”<ref>Quoted in Marion Russell, ed., “Drive Out the Rotters from the Film Industry,” The Billboard, vol. 33, no. 39, (September 24, 1921): 104.</ref><br />
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Arbuckle’s first trial took place in November 1921. He was charged with manslaughter and the the jury was hung ten to two for acquittal. The second trial was deadlocked ten to two for conviction. Finally, in the third trial, in March 1922, a jury found Arbuckle not guilty.<br />
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Delmont proved a troublesome witness. In some versions of her story, she was lifelong friends with Rappe. In others, they had just met a few days before. Furthermore, Delmont had a history of fraud and extortion. She was sometimes referred to as “Madame Black.” She would procure young women for parties with wealthy male guests, but then they would eventually be accused of rape, or blackmailed into paying for silence. Some telegrams were also discovered where Delmont said: “WE HAVE ROSCOE ARBUCKLE IN A HOLE HERE CHANCE TO MAKE SOME MONEY OUT OF HIM.”<ref>Gilbert King, "The Skinny on the Fatty Arbuckle Trial," Smithsonian Magazine, November 8, 2011, https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-skinny-on-the-fatty-arbuckle-trial-131228859/.</ref><br />
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Arbuckle’s lawyers found evidence showing that Rappe had a chronic bladder condition, and there was no evidence of violence or defensive wounds. When the final jury found Arbuckle not guilty, they issued him an apology. <br />
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Over the course of the three trials, Arbuckle had spent more than $700,000 on his defense, and his career and reputation were ruined. <br />
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== After the Trials ==<br />
The incident had effects on the motion picture industry as well. Will Hays came aboard to work as a censor for the industry to help restore its image. One of the first things he did was ban and blacklist Fatty Arbuckle from appearing on screen. Though the ban on Arbuckle was lifted 8 months later, the damage had been done. He was no longer relevant.<br />
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Arbuckle changed his name to William Goodrich, and for the rest of his life—which was not very long—he worked for a pittance directing films behind the scenes. In 1933, he had begun to make a comeback. Signing with Warner Brothers to act in some comedy shorts, but he would not live to see himself return to his prior success. He died on June 29, 1933 after having a heart attack in his hotel room. <br />
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The Arbuckle trial wasn’t the only scandal in the early 1920s. a bisexual director found murdered; and movie stars dying of drug overdoses <br />
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As a result, the nation's religious leaders were forming local censorship boards and chopping up movies every which way to suit the standards of their communities.<br />
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== Hollywood Censorship ==<br />
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The Motion Picture Producers and Distributors of America (MPPDA) had formed in 1922 to reassure America that Hollywood did not condone immorality in the wake of lifestyle scandals then in newspaper headlines, like those of Fatty Arbuckle.<br />
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Eventually, Hollywood studios banded together under former Postmaster General Will Hays to come up with a list of 36 self-imposed "Don'ts and Be Carefuls," . There were no penalties, no laws, no enforcement. Nevertheless, the movie industry policed itself. the major film studios were governed by a production code requiring that their pictures be "wholesome" and "moral" and encourage what the studios called "correct thinking." While Hays name would later become synonymous with the Hollywood Code era, his work resulted in general guidelines—not enforcement. However, perhaps his name is associated with regulation since he was the first person really tasked with that assignment.<br />
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Hollywood wanted to reassure civic leaders throughout the United States that they were interested in promoting a wholesome image, producing clean movies, and self-policing. This way, local agencies would not need to censor or edit films—as had been the norm pre-Code, which resulted in some movies being censored or cut in different ways.<br />
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The Motion Picture Producers and Distributors of America (MPPDA) organized The Studio Relations Committee in 1930 and gave them the responsibility of ensuring industry self-censorship. The Production Codewas adopted March 31, 1930. The Studio Relations Committee became the Production Code Administration in 1934, after which it was more effective.<br />
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The code underwent a number of revisions though the 1950s, but at its core were the general principles that <br />
“1. No picture shall be produced which will lower the moral standards of those who see it. Hence the sympathy of the audience shall never be thrown to the side of crime, wrong-doing, evil or sin.<br />
2. Correct standards of life, subject only to the requirements of drama and entertainment, shall be presented.<br />
3. Law, natural or human, shall not be ridiculed, nor shall sympathy be created for its violation.”<br />
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Additionally, there were prohibitions on films displaying (among other things): scenes of nudity, suggestive dancing, discussions of sexual perversity (usually this referred to same-sex relations), superfluous use of liquor, ridicule of religion, miscegenation (or interracial relationships between whites and Blacks), and lustful kissing.<br />
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While the Fatty Arbuckle scandal drew attention to some of the more seedy parts of Hollywood, it was one of a few scandals that forced Hollywood executives to turn on the offensive to self-regulate and present a more wholesome image to the rest of the world. As America changed in the 1920s and 1930s, the Hays and Production Codes were an attempt to counter changes taking place in urban life, gender, and race.<br />
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For more on the Hays Code, see: [[The Hays Code, Gangsters, and Prohibition: How did 1934 change Hollywood?]]<br />
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== References ==<br />
<references /><br />
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== Additional References: ==<br />
“Complete Nudity Is Never Permitted”: The Motion Picture Production Code of 1930, History Matters, http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5099/.<br><br />
Hayes, David P. The Motion Picture Production Code, https://productioncode.dhwritings.com/intro.php.<br><br />
Mondello, Bob, "Remembering Hollywood's Hays Code, 40 Years On," NPR, August 8, 2008, https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=93301189.<br><br />
Movie Morals Uunder Fire,” New York Times, February 12, 1922, 80.<br></div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Arbuckle_Mugshot.jpg&diff=20860File:Arbuckle Mugshot.jpg2020-08-26T22:11:11Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>== Introduction ==<br />
The Comstock Act (1873), or the “Act of the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use” was a statute designed to make the transmission of “obscene material” by mail a crime. The Act had far-reaching implications for Americans during the time it was enacted (mostly through the 1930s, but some remnants of the Act remained until much later). The Act, which is named after its primary champion and architect Anthony Comstock, marks an important attempt to regulate American behavior at a time when society was rapidly changing.<br />
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[[File:440px-Anthony_Comstock.jpg|left|250px|Comstock, c. 1913]]<br />
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== Anthony Comstock ==<br />
Anthony Comstock was born in Connecticut in 1844. His father was a farmer and his mother was very religious. He was very young when she died, but her religious fervor lived on in him. Comstock believed God knew when people were tempted, so it was better to abstain from all impure thoughts.<br />
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Comstock enlisted in the military during the American Civil War, but since he was stationed away from most of the fighting, he entertained himself by launching private initiatives against tobacco, gambling, alcohol, and other practices among his fellow soldiers. He also participated in the Christian Commission—which was created by the Young Men’s Christian Association. The Christian Commission sent missionaries to battlefields to help soldiers remain moral. <br />
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After the War, Comstock moved to New York where he was shocked to see obscene material everywhere. Working off his previous reform initiatives, he engaged on his own crusade. Purchasing obscene material and using it as evidence of violation of an existing—albeit mostly unenforced—1865 obscenity law.<br />
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== Towards the Comstock Act ==<br />
After two legal defeats, Comstock founded the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice (NYSSV). The organization's aim was to supervise, regulate, and control society's access to materials and other influences that Comstock thought to be immoral. The NYSSV was backed by wealthy philanthropists, and Comstock used their money to lobby Congress to pass the An Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use, or Comstock Act for short. Here, he was successful.<br />
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The Comstock Law made it a crime to sell or distribute materials that could be used for contraception or abortion, to send such materials or information about such materials in the federal mail system, or to import such materials from abroad.<br />
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This Act designated that a special agent be appointed by the postal service for enforcement, and Comstock was the first person to serve in this post. He held that position for some 40 years. <br />
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Through this position and through the Society for the Suppression of Vice which he created, he and his colleagues rigorously enforced the Comstock Law, making it very difficult for late 19th and early 20th century advocates of birth control to send out birth control information.<br />
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===== Excerpt from Comstock Act =====<br />
<small>''Be it enacted… That whoever… shall sell… or shall offer to sell, or to lend, or to give away, or in any manner to exhibit, or shall otherwise publish or offer to publish in any manner, or shall have in his possession, for such any purpose or purposes any obscene book, pamphlet, paper, writing, advertisement, circular, print, picture, drawing or other representation, figure, or image on or of paper or other material, or any cast instrument, or other article of any immoral nature, or any drug or medicine, or any article whatever, for the prevention of conception, or for causing unlawful abortion, or shall advertise the same for sale, or shall write or print, or cause to be written or printed, any card, circular, book, pamphlet, advertisement, or notice of any kind, stating when, where, how, or of whom, or by what means, any of the articles in this section… can be purchased or obtained, or shall manufacture, draw, or print, or in any wise make any of such articles, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof,… he shall be imprisoned at hard labor in the penitentiary for not less than six months nor more than five years for each offense, or fined not less than one hundred dollars nor more than two thousand dollars, with costs of court.''</small><br />
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== Effects of the Comstock Act ==<br />
The law was ambiguous and came down to the banning of any material that Anthony Comstock considered obscene. Those convicted could face 5 years of imprisonment with hard labor, even a fine up to $2,000—which after accounting for inflation would amount to over $39,000 today.<br />
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One of the main targets under the Comstock Act were advertisements for abortionists or devices or medication to produce an abortion, though Comstock targeted novels that were too risqué, and even medical textbooks.<br />
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[[File:GRC0006193__64598.1541704490.jpg|left|250px|Anti-Comstock Political Cartoon, reads: "Your Honor, this woman gave birth to a naked child."]]<br />
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The law many have been intended as a measure to protect children against erotica, but it also included material about contraceptive devices, materials, or information about abortion, so it may have also been an effort to curb the rising practice of Free Love. Industrialization in the nineteenth century resulted in a vast array of medicines, devices, tonics, and medicines for women’s health. At the same time, Goodyear’s rubber vulcanization process—which allowed rubber to remain intact in heat and cold—transformed other contraceptive devices. These once haphazard prophylactics constructed from various linens, intestines, or other raw materials, contraception developed into its own systematic industry. Soon, the vulcanization process opened the door to a variety of other rubber contraceptive devices, including IUDs, diaphragms, and douching syringes. <br />
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These early, mass-produced contraceptives were available through mail order or over the counter. Catalogs circulated by B.F. Goodrich, Goodyear, Sears, Roebuck, and wholesale drug supply houses such as McKesson and Robbins advertised a full line of contraceptives from intrauterine devices to pessaries, douching syringes, sponges, and cervical caps. A company was reputable if they only sold their products to licensed doctors and druggists. <br />
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Increased printing technologies also allowed for information about birth control and abortion to be widely disseminated. Advertisements for contraceptives, doctors who treated women’s conditions, as well as those for patent medicines to induce miscarriage all made sex more visible.<br />
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It was in this context of heightened visibility that Comstock emerged. Notwithstanding Comstock’s best efforts, manufacturers and advertisers of abortifacients and other contraceptive devices found methods of eluding censorship—for example, putting warning labels on products that urged pregnant women not to use them because it might induce miscarriage. By reading between the lines, women would know that this particular product could assist them with their condition.<br />
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The Comstock Act, in many ways, was a response to a number of social changes that were occurring: the expansive power of the federal government after the civil war, urbanization—more people moving to cities--, access to cheap print material, the down of photography, the rise of affordable birth control, and an influx of Southern and Eastern Europeans—who many native born whites saw as members of distinct, and inferior races.<br />
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Towards the end of his career, Comstock claimed that over the course of just ten years he had confiscated 202,204 pictures, 21,150lbs of books, and 63,819 contraceptive devises.<br />
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== References ==<br />
Anna Louise Bates, ''Weeder in the Garden of the Lord: Anthony Comstock's Life and Career''(Lanham: University Press of America, 1995)<br />
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Nicola Beisel, ''Imperiled Innocents: Anthony Comstock and Family Reproduction in Victorian America'' (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998)<br />
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Anthony Comstock, ''Traps for the Young,'' Robert H. Bremner, ed. (New York: Belkanp, 1967).<br />
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Andrea Tone, ''Devices and Desires: A History of Contraceptives in America'' (New York: Hill & Wang, 2002)</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:GRC0006193_64598.1541704490.jpg&diff=20514File:GRC0006193 64598.1541704490.jpg2020-04-29T21:52:58Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=When_was_Planned_Parenthood_created&diff=20512When was Planned Parenthood created2020-04-29T21:26:41Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Created Page</p>
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<div><br />
== Introduction ==<br />
As the women’s rights movement gained momentum in the early 20th century, women's rights activists demanded not only the vote, but also equality in marriage, access to divorce, an end to the sexual double standard, the right to refuse sex from their husbands, and the right to control their reproduction. The birth control movement of the early 20th century emerged in tandem with this wide-ranging feminist agenda, and was easily adopted by the "New Woman" of the era.<br />
<br />
== Margaret Sanger ==<br />
Sanger’s foray into to contraception emerged from her own personal experience. She was the 6th of 11 children born to Irish Catholic immigrant parents. Her mother had a number of miscarriages, and by some accounts she was pregnant 17 or 18 times over the course of her short life. She died before the age of 50 and Sanger blamed her mother’s death on constant childbearing and lack of access to contraception.<br />
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As a young woman, Sanger worked as a nurse and encountered many women who became sick and died from illegal abortions. She hoped that one day there would be a “magic pill” that could prevent pregnancy. She recalled one instance, specifically, where the physician told a woman patient that she should not get pregnant again, less she risk serious injury or death. When asked how to prevent pregnancy, the doctor recommended that she tell her husband to sleep on the roof. That woman later died from a botched abortion. Because of this instance, and other encounters with poor, often immigrant women who lacked legal access to contraceptives, Margaret Sanger decided to devote her life to this cause.<br />
<br />
Sanger began to focus on spreading information about contraception to the masses--in direct violation of the Comstock Act. In 1914, Margaret Sanger began publishing ''The Woman Rebel'' after years of occasional articles in the ''New York Call''. She was radical in the sense that she urged the working class to stop supplying the market with children to be exploited, by refusing to populate the earth with expendable worker-slaves. She coined the term "birth control" in 1915 and soon established herself as the leader of this movement. When it seemed like she was going to be arrested for violating the Comstock Act, Sanger went abroad to England and France to learn more about birth control. When Sanger returned to the United States, she opened the first birth control clinic in New York in 1916.<br />
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Sanger was constantly embroiled in legal battles for violating the Comstock Act, nevertheless she maintained her clinic and began publishing the ''Birth Control Review''. In the very first issue, she, Frederick A. Blossom, and Elizabeth Stuyvesant stated their aims very clearly. As proponents of contraception, they believed that men and women alike needed to fight for the right of voluntary parenthood. She tried to work with doctors to lend legitimacy to her movement—which helped in the long run. After repeated legal battles, by 1918, there was a medical exception n the law that allowed physicians to offer contraceptive advice to married women for the cure and prevention of disease. With this loophole, Sanger promoted the establishment of birth control clinics across the country to be staffed by physicians who could legally provide contraceptive information and devices.<br />
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[[File:440px-MargaretSanger-Underwood.LOC.jpg|left|250px|Margaret Sanger, c. 1922.]]<br />
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In violating the Comstock Act, Sanger made public an understanding that some pregnancies were unwanted, and that women should have the same sexual license as men.<br />
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However, Sanger also knew the dangers that could occur when poor women had to pay a cheap, back-alley abortionist. She believed it was better for women to have access to contraception first so they would not have to resort to the unregulated underworld. Not only would birth control reduce the risk of unwanted pregnancy, Sanger believed it could allow women to enjoy sex and have opportunities to engage in other cultural and intellectual pursuits. In liberating women from the shackles of eternal pregnancy and child rearing, Sanger’s efforts dovetailed with the newly independent, and employed, young woman of the 1920s. <br />
<br />
While most today would not divorce abortion from discussions of birth control, birth control advocates of the early 20th century did. To Sanger and her colleagues, abortion was a last resort, not birth control. People like Margaret Sanger and other birth control advocates made an effort to distance themselves from a seemingly pro-abortion stance. Sanger and her peers did not have abortion laws at the center of their concerns. In fact, they attempted to distance their cause from abortion stating that birth control was their organization’s primary objective—not abortion—and that with access to contraception, abortion could all but disappear.<br />
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== Towards Planned Parenthood ==<br />
In 1921, Sanger established the American Birth Control League. This organization would serve as a precursor to the Planned Parenthood Federation of America. Sanger served as its first president, and oversaw the creation of more, legal, birth control clinics. Perhaps recognizing that the laws needed to change in order to provide access to contraception in the hands of many, Sanger continued to lobby for changes to allow legal access to contraception. Sanger's lobbying was ultimately effective in the 1936 case ''United States v. One Package''. With this amendment to the Comstock Act, physicians were legally able to mail contraceptives across state lines. <br />
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Over the course of the next thirty years, Planned Parenthood was dedicated to provided access to contraception to those who needed it, but also to studying the global impacts of population growth. In the 1940s, Planned Parenthood funded development of a birth control pill. Eventually, these pills were tested in Puerto Rico--where other birth control methods were tested as well (sometimes unethically). The birth control pill was eventually approved by the Food and Drug Administration in 1960; however, there were still legal troubles. Specifically, contraception was still illegal in some states. <br />
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In the landmark ruling in the 1965 case ''Griswold vs. Connecticut'', the Supreme Court argued that marital couples were entitled to a certain measure of privacy, and that it was illegal to prevent married couples from accessing contraception. Unmarried couples would have to wait seven more years for the ruling in the 1972 case ''Eisenstadt v. Baird'' before contraception was legal for all persons--married or unmarried.<br />
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Despite the Rights Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, Planned Parenthood has remained significant in American culture and is a political lightning rod--a call to action for those who are anti-abortion, and an important center of reproductive knowledge, education, and access for all others. While many have reduced Planned Parenthood as abortion central, it continues to provide important STD, STI, Pregnancy, Prenatal, Postnatal, and Preventative Health screenings to all. <br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
"Anthony Comstock's "Chastity" Laws," American Experience, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/pill-anthony-comstocks-chastity-laws/.<br />
<br />
"Margaret Sanger (1879-1966)," American Experience, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/pill-margaret-sanger-1879-1966/.<br />
<br />
Margaret Sanger, "THE HISTORY OF THE BIRTH CONTROL MOVEMENT IN THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING WORLD," Speech. Fourth International Conference on Planned Parenthood, Stockholm, 1953, https://www.nyu.edu/projects/sanger/webedition/app/documents/show.php?sangerDoc=238954.xml.<br />
<br />
Laura Briggs, ''Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, Science, and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico'', (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).<br />
<br />
Peter C. Engelman, ''A History of the Birth Control Movement in America'' (Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2011).</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:440px-MargaretSanger-Underwood.LOC.jpg&diff=20511File:440px-MargaretSanger-Underwood.LOC.jpg2020-04-29T21:25:15Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>== Introduction ==<br />
Beginning in the late 1960s, individual states began to challenge and decriminalize abortion laws, and in 1970, some of the first states began to legalize it. While states’ action began to form a patchwork of abortion legislation, the issue had not been resolved at the federal level. This would change in 1973 with the Roe v. Wade decision. Since 1973, most Americans reference Roe when discussing abortion legislation; however, there have been legal challenges to Roe since then. These legal challenges that followed have changed the legal landscape—meaning, abortion rights are no longer as defined by the Roe decision, as they are by others like Planned Parenthood vs. Casey.<br />
<br />
== ''Roe v. Wade'' ==<br />
In 1969, a young woman named Norma McCorvey discovered she was pregnant. McCorvey wanted to terminate her pregnancy, but abortion was only legal under limited circumstances in her home state of Texas. She had no illness or disease that would legally allow her to abort, so the only other option was to claim that her pregnancy was the result of the rape. However, since there were no police reports documenting the rape, there was no proof that the rape had happened, and there were no legal options available to her. McCorvey then attempted to acquire an illegal abortion, but police shut down the clinic before she could go in for the procedure.<br />
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Out of options, McCorvey took the alias Jane Roe and brought about legal action against Henry Wade, the District Attorney in Dallas, Texas (where she lived). Using some of the arguments that had been made in the legal challenges to abortion statutes in the previous few years, Roe argued that Texas’ abortion statute violated her constitutional rights. She and her legal counsel argued that requiring her life to be in danger in order to get a legal abortion violated her rates. She also argued that she had a right to a safe abortion, even if she could not afford to leave her state. Finally, Roe and her attorneys claimed that the Texas abortion statute was “unconstitutionally vague,” and that it violated her first, fourth, fifth, ninth, and fourteenth amendment rights. <br />
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The court agreed with Roe to an extent. However, instead of recognizing a blanket right to abortion, the court developed the trimester system. According to the Court, since the medical community argued that the fetuses could be viable after six months, the court believed that states could intervene to protect fetal rights after that point, while also providing an exception for maternal life. Before viability, the Court ruled it did not have enough of an interest in the embryo to stop women from acquiring abortions. And with that, abortions became legal in the United States.<br />
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There were immediately a number of challenges to the Roe decision. While many of these other cases and acts did shift abortion rights and legislation, it wasn’t until Planned Parenthood vs. Casey that these dramatically altered the landscape for legal abortion.<br />
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[[File:159081-nytrvw.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|This is an image of the ''New York Times'' after the ''Roe'' decision.]]<br />
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== ''Planned Parenthood vs. Casey'' ==<br />
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In 1989, Pennsylvania Governor Bob Casey signed the Abortion Control Act. This was one of the first attempts by an individual state to restrict abortion rights after Roe. The Act had several provisions that were designed to limit abortions: informed consent, spousal notification, parental notification, a 24-hour waiting period, and clinics would be required to report to the state demographic data of women acquiring abortions. <br />
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When Casey signed the Act, it was immediately challenged by a number of abortion providers, counselors, and doctors—turning into the class action lawsuit: ''Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania vs. Casey''.<br />
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It was 1992 by the time this case made its way to the U.S. Supreme Court. The attorneys for the appellants argued that Pennsylvania’s Abortion Control Act effectively overturned Roe since it imposed so many regulations on both the women getting abortions, and the doctors providing them. However, the attorneys for the defendants argued they were not overturning Roe, they were simply asking to be judged by an “undue burden” test. <br />
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It is important to note that the U.S. Supreme Court had already decided that the existence of a fundamental right (like abortion) and the enjoyment of a fundamental right were mutually exclusive; and that since the state had an interest in potential life, it could favor or encourage pregnancy and childbirth so long as it did not prevent women from getting abortions. <br />
<br />
<br />
When the decision was announced, the majority held on to the three fundamental tenets of the Roe decision: that women had the right to an abortion before fetal viability, that the state had the right to restrict abortions after viability, and that the state has an interest in protecting the life of the woman and the potential child.<br />
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[[File:con0045.gif|thumbnail|left|250px|A political cartoon describing the Abortion Control Act.]]<br />
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Nevertheless, in their opinions for this case, the majority opted for an “undue burden” standard over the existing trimester system since it was more flexible and reflected the state’s interest in potential life. Instead of allowing all abortions in the first trimester without question, the Court ruled that it was acceptable for states to introduce efforts to restrict abortions at any point during the pregnancy, so long as women were not denied abortions. Additionally, the majority felt that Pennsylvania’s abortion regulations (with the exception of spousal notification) did not violate the constitution and did not constitute “undue” burdens. <br />
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In moving from the trimester system—based on a calendar—to a system based in determining whether abortion regulations were “undue burdens,” the decision to have an abortion moved away from the doctor-patient relationship and back into the courts where they were subject to legal interpretation: specifically, any state could introduce new legislation to restrict abortion, and then it would only be up to individuals to challenge these restrictions by stating and proving that they were unduly burdensome.<br />
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Although abortion remained legal in the U.S. the ruling allowed for the creation of new regulations that severely limited abortions, or at least made them more inconvenient.<br />
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Since the decision, a number of states began to follow Pennsylvania’s example by implementing their own abortion restrictions. Typically, these restrictions involve certain standards for clinics that provide abortions (requiring hospital privileges or doctors, requiring that hallways be a certain width, or even requiring that clinics are a certain distance from schools), waiting periods, mandated counseling, vaginal ultrasounds, or requiring women to listen to the fetal heartbeat. <br />
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To an extent, those who are pro-choice and those who are pro-life both saw the decision in ''Planned Parenthood vs. Casey'' as a win. While women maintained their rights to acquire abortions, the decision ultimately created greater opportunities for states to chip away at those rights, and to create barriers that disproportionately affect young women, poor women, women of color, and rural women.<br />
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== References ==<br />
ROE ET AL. v. WADE, DISTRICT ATTORNEY OF DALLAS COUNTY. 410 U.S. 113 (1973).<br />
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PLANNED PARENTHOOD OF SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA, ET AL v. CASEY, Robert P. ET AL. 947 F.2d 682 (1991).<br />
<br />
N.E.H. Hull & Peter Charles Hoffer, ''Roe v. wade: The abortion Rights Controversy in American History'', Second Edition (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2010).</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Con0045.gif&diff=20423File:Con0045.gif2020-04-22T22:17:49Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_the_history_of_marriage_in_the_United_States&diff=20397What was the history of marriage in the United States2020-04-20T18:29:44Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Creation of page</p>
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<div>== Introduction. ==<br />
Love and marriage. Marriage is an institution that is pervasive throughout American life. It isn't just about love or procreation. It defines things like inheritance, rights, privileges, and immigration--just to name a few (see, for example, previous post on [[When did interracial marriage become legal in the United States?|interracial marriage]]). Marriage directly impacts reproduction and the composition of its citizens. With citizenship being attached to birth here after the passage of the 14th Amendment, marriage policy essentially underscores national belonging<ref>Margot Canaday, ''The Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America'', 2011.</ref>. Throughout history, the United States has idealized faithful, intraracial monogamy in the name of public interest and securing public order, and it formed the basis of defining appropriate sexual activity<ref>Julian B. Carter, ''The Heart of Whiteness: Normal Sexuality and Race in America, 1880-1940'', 2007.</ref>. In the present day, our idea of marriage is that it's a partnership between two individuals--hopefully for love and companionship. However, marriage also has religious undertones, and in some religions is an important event. Legally, marriage is also a contract. Since marriage functions as an entryway into so many of these things, it's significance has changed over time, and it has been subject to regulation. But how did marriage become an institution in the United States?<br />
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== Colonial America ==<br />
In the colonial period, marriage was understood more in a religious and practical sense. In Virginia, which had a landed gentry and a wealthy aristocracy, love was less important to marriage, since marriage brought together two families and their properties. For some families, sensible relationships were a way to uplift families, or to move up the social hierarchy. While love was not a requirement for marriage, it was assumed that love would follow since marriage brought together men, women, and families in a way that was natural, patriarchal, and hierarchical. Furthermore, since men outnumbered women in the Chesapeake, those men who were able to marry, usually were men of higher status who were more desirable marriage partners. Depending on the colony in question--some being more religious than others--marriage was an unbreakable union.<br />
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Throughout much of Colonial America, marriage was a contract. In 1653, the Civil Marriage Act required that anyone who wanted to marry had to publicly announce an intent to marry. Since marriage was not something that the government actively kept track of, listing or posting of the banns became a way to formalize marriage as a civil ceremony. Posting of the banns gave the community the opportunity to be able to bring forth any reasons why the couple shouldn't marry. For example, if someone knew one of the soon-to-be spouses was married in another town, or if someone knew they were too closely related. Once the banns had been posted for a certain amount of time, the couple could legally wed by a justice of the peace. <br />
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In Puritan society, young couples were expected to get parental permission before marrying and could sometimes be fined if they did not. Additionally, Puritan customs and practices like "bundling" and the "courting stick" were designed to give young couples privacy and a chance to get to know one another and ensure consent at marriage, while at the same time ensuring strict supervision by the parents or elders. Though marriage was important, and there were rules related to it, it was still a relatively informal practice until the late 19th and even early 20th century.<br />
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== 19th Century ==<br />
The informality of marriage practices--and their variability from state to state--became more visible after the American Civil War. When the federal government recognized a need to provide pensions to widows of former soldiers in 1862, women throughout the country attempted to collect these pensions that they were due. Requiring proof of marriage, though, meant some women had to be creative or resourceful. Few women had official documents from priests, judges, or other local officials. More often than not, women submitted letters from friends or neighbors attesting to the fact that the couple were married, or artifacts like pieces of uniforms, or locks of hair. The preponderance of these artifacts in the National Archives Civil War Pension files suggests that legal marriage was not a standard practice. And increasingly, from the late 19th century through the 1920s, marriage became a formal process in local government.<br />
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[[File:Marriage+certificate.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|This is an image of a blank marriage certificate from the mid-19th century.]]<br />
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== Coverture ==<br />
In the 19th century, Webster's dictionary defined marriage as "the act of uniting man and woman, as husband and wife, for life." For most of American history, marriage was a practical household arrangement based on reciprocal obligations. It united men and women into a singular identity and transformed men in to husbands and women into wives. In idealized marriage, men worked and used their wages to provide for their home and family in exchange for women's help and domestic service<ref>Carole Shammas, ''A History of Household Government in America'', 2002.</ref>.<br />
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Throughout most of American history, women's lives were defined by the English common law that was brought to the American colonies, and then reshaped and defined over time. These rights and laws related to married women fell under the umbrella of "coverture." Coverture was a literal understanding of Webster's definition of marriage that effectively meant that women did not have a separate legal existence from their husbands. Under coverture, husband and wife were legally one person--the entirety of that person being the husband. Women's legal, civil, and property rights were suspended once married. Her own separate, legal existence merged into her husband's and she lost the capacity to contract for herself, sue for herself, or be sued herself, or own her own property or wages. In the eyes of the law, married women were treated in the same class as other household dependents--like children or slaves (pre-13th Amendment). Furthermore, marriage provided husbands with their own consortium of rights, including sexual intercourse (which is why marital rape, for example, has legally been treated and viewed differently from nonmarital rape for most of American history).<br />
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== 20th Century ==<br />
In the 20th century, we began to see more challenges to the heterosexual, intraracial ideal of marriage. This post does not address interracial marriage, and encourages the reader to see our other [[When did interracial marriage become legal in the United States?|DailyHistory post]] on the subject. In the context of the decision in ''Loving v. Virginia'' (1967) and the Civil Rights Movements, same-sex couples began to push for the legal recognition of their relationships. However, this was met with pushback from Republican and Democratic factions. In fact, it was Democratic President William Clinton who passed the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996. <br />
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The Act itself is very short--comprising three sections in total--but it provided a stunning rebuke to same sex couples. While the Act gave individual states the rights to recognize same sex marriage, it also gave the states rights to deny recognition of same sex marriages. Furthermore, it affirmed the federal government's stance that "marriage" only referred to the legal union of men and women. Therefore, the federal government would not recognize marriages between same sex couples--even if they were legally married in their state. While some states used this as an opportunity to recognize same-sex partnerships, these couples lacked the basic protections of legal marriage. These legal differences and protections became visible in the case ''United States v. Windsor'' (2013).<br />
<br />
Edith Windsor and Thea Spyer had been a couple for decades. When Canada legalized same-sex marriage, they married in Ontario in 2007. Eventually, their home state of New York recognized that marriage as legally valid. When Thea died, she left her entire estate to Edith; however, since the federal government didn't recognize their marriage under DOMA, the IRS charged Edith over $360,000 on the estate she inherited. If their marriage had been legally recognized by the federal government, she would have not been fined as the surviving spouse. Windsor and her attorneys argued that DOMA was unconstitutional, and the US Supreme Court agreed, striking DOMA down for violating the 14th Amendment.<br />
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It was not until 2015 that same sex marriage was fully decided in ''Obergefell v. Hodges''. When this case was before the US Supreme Court, the primary issues at hand were discussing whether the 14th Amendment required a state to license marriages of same-sex couples, and whether a state had to recognize the legal marriage of a same-sex couple that had been licensed and performed in another state. The Supreme Court, in a 5-4 decision, ruled yes and yes. In his closing remarks, Justice Kennedy wrote: "No union is more profound than marriage, for it embodies the highest ideals of love, fidelity, devotion, sacrifice, and family. In forming a marital union, two people become something greater than once they were. As some of the petitioners in these cases demonstrate, marriage embodies a love that may endure even past death. It would misunderstand these men and women to say they disrespect the idea of marriage. Their plea is that they do respect it, respect it so deeply that they seek to find its fulfillment for themselves. Their hope is not to be condemned to live in loneliness, excluded from one of civilization’s oldest institutions. They ask for equal dignity in the eyes of the law. The Constitution grants them that right."<br />
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[[File:ef313de1-6266-4731-a82c-24a955d21048.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|Supporters of same-sex marriages cheer outside the Supreme Court on April 28, 2015, in Washington, D.C. by Mladen Antonov/AFP/Getty Images.]]<br />
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While opposition remains, it was with this case the the fundamental right to marry was guaranteed to same sex couples in the United States. <br />
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== References ==<br />
<references /></div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Marriage%2Bcertificate.jpg&diff=20396File:Marriage+certificate.jpg2020-04-20T18:27:35Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=Why_were_women_put_into_Twilight_Sleep_during_childbirth&diff=19489Why were women put into Twilight Sleep during childbirth2019-12-19T17:26:32Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Created "What was Twilight Sleep"</p>
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<div>== Twilight Sleep ==<br />
<br />
As fields of inquiry, obstetrics and gynecology have a relatively short history. While obstetrics and gynecology have been practiced since time immemorial, their shift from women-centered knowledge and common sense practices to science began in the 19th century. Before the 19th century, much of the knowledge of childbirth and delivery was passed through women, kin, and midwives. As medicine became an organized profession in the 19th century, much of its early history revolved around consolidating that knowledge into medical men’s hands.<ref>Pablo Mitchell, ''Coyote Nation: Sexuality, Race, and Conquest in Modernizing New Mexico, 1880-1920'' (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 122-148.</ref><br />
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With that, births went from being normal, everyday events, to illness-centered events requiring medical intervention. Once natural, with the dawn of medicine, childbirth became pathologized.<br />
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Though most women gave birth at home before the 19th century, the 20th century gave rise to maternity hospitals and more women gave birth with physicians in attendance. Dr. Joseph DeLee, author of the most frequently used obstetric textbook of the time ''Principles and Practice of Obstetrics'', argued that childbirth was a process from which few women emerged unscathed. He believed that physicians needed to maintain control over the labor and delivery process through active protocols and medical interventions <ref name="test">Lynette A. Ament, ''Professional Issues in Midwifery'' (Sudbury: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 2007), p. 23. </ref> Specialist obstetricians should sedate women at the onset of labor, allow the cervix to dilate, give ether during the second stage of labor, cut an episiotomy, deliver the baby with forceps, extract the placenta, give medications for the uterus to contract and repair the episiotomy. His article was published in the first issue of the ''American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology''. All of the interventions that DeLee prescribed did become routine. By 1920, most doctors believed that "normal" deliveries were rare, and that doctors needed to be present to prevent trouble, and by 1921, thirty to fifty percent of women gave birth in hospitals.<ref>Richard Wertz and Dorothy C. Wertz, ''Lying-In: A History of Childbirth in America'' (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989)</ref><br />
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Twilight Sleep emerged at the beginning of the 20th century in this context. It was one of the most extreme measures available designed to allow doctors to remain in complete control during the childbirth process. In Twilight Sleep, mothers were drugged with morphine and scolpolamine--rendering them effectively unconscious throughout the birth process. This allowed the doctor to maintain control, but also had the additional benefit of rendering the childbirth painless. When the mother regained consciousness, she would have her child in hand, and no recollection of the delivery process.<br />
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Twilight Sleep was the product of two German physicians--Dr. Bernhardt Kronig and Dr. Karl Gauss. They developed the procedure in 1906 to alleviate the pain of childbirth. Their development did not occur in a vacuum. Twilight sleep "contributed to changing childbirth from an at home process to a hospital procedure and increased the use of anesthetics in obstetrics," and it was developed several years after Dr. Richard von Steinbüchel suggested the use of scopolamine as an anesthetic for childbirth.<ref>Jessica Pollesche, "Twilight Sleep," The Embryo Project, 2018 [https://embryo.asu.edu/pages/twilight-sleep].</ref><br />
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Morphine, a derivative of opium, was a well-known, powerful, (and addictive) narcotic with analgesic properties, and scopolamine was a "preanesthetic agent" that produced drowsiness, amnesia, and euphoria.<ref>William C. Shiel, Jr. "What is Twilight Sleep in Obstetrics?" MedicineNet, 2018 [https://www.medicinenet.com/twilight_sleep_in_obstetrics/ask.htm].</ref> As medicine became a more organized and professional field, women increasingly asked for anesthetics during the childbirth process. Physicians were responding to these demands. When Dr. von Steinbüchel suggested the use of scopolamine (in conjunction with morphine) he wasn't hoping to render women unconscious, just to reduce pain. When the two drugs were injected, though, the combination of the two produced a result where women had no memory of pain. Drs. Kronig and Gauss reviited Dr. von Steinbüchel's formula and adjusted the dosage to avoid some of the negative--and potentially fatal--side effects, specifically: slow pulse and decreased respiration.<ref>Pollesche.</ref> Kronig and Gauss posited that the use of this drug minimized complications and allowed mothers to recovery more quickly. While their initial findings were not well-received, they continued their research and soon started offering the procedure to some of Germany's wealthiest women.<br />
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Twilight Sleep was popular because it was thought to be a modern medical intervention, but also because it offered the potential for "painless" childbirth. However, the process was not ''actually'' painless. Women just had no memory of the pain. Their bodies still responded to pain and they still screamed, thrashed, and moved even while in a semi-zombie state. Pregnant women undergoing Twilight Sleep were thus restrained and placed in dark rooms while delivering.<br />
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This practice was limited to Germany for its first few years. In 1912, an American woman named Cecil Stewart went to Germany to deliver her child this way. She described it as a wonderful experience, and soon, other women became interested. Journalist for women's magazines read up on the procedure, sent pregnant women in to relay the process, and interviewed hospital staff. <br />
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[[File:boston-sunday-post-Mar-06-1915-p-15a.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|This article from the Boston Sunday Post shows how Twilight Sleep began to become popular in the United States.]]<br />
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Twilight Sleep soon became widely available in the US in 1914. However, its rise was short-lived. American physicians were not as well-versed in the proper dosages as more women demanded the procedure than physicians and nurses who were trained the administer them. In late 1915, Francis Carmody, a leading advocate for Twilight Sleep in the US, died while during Twilight Sleep--though others would later say the death was unrelated to the procedure itself.<br />
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Though Twilight Sleep fell in popularity, it was still available. In 1958, however, an article called "Cruelty in Maternity Wards" by ''Ladies Home Journal'' exposed some of the violence that was occurring in modern American delivery rooms. The author described the leather restraints and screaming that the women under the influence had no memory of. Some have described this as an important moment in the history of childbirth, as it was, after this encouraged for fathers to be present at deliveries where they had been absent before. This was also true for the women. When they were administered this particular drug cocktail, they, too, were absent from the childbirth experience. <br />
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[[File:3zch8l8unsiy.jpg|thumbnail|left|250px|This image shows how women would be prepared for Twilight birth. Eyes were covered and arms were restrained in order for physicians to maintain control.]]<br />
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This image of restrained women during childbirth--a natural process--especially at the hands of predominantly male physicians did not bode well with the forthcoming Women's Rights Movement. Subsequent pharmaceutical innovations have found a way to minimize the pain of childbirth while also allowing women to be present to welcome the birth of their new child.<br />
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<references /><br />
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== Additional Sources ==<br />
Stella Lehr, "A Possible Explanation of the Conflicting Reports on Twilight Sleep.” ''California State Journal of Medicine'' 8 (1915): 220–22.<br />
<br />
Judith Pence Rooks, ''Midwifery and Childbirth in America''. <br />
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Mark Sloan, ''Birth Day: A Pediatrician Explores the Science, the History, and the Wonder of Childbirth.''<br />
Paul Starr, ''The Social Transformation of American Medicine''.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:3zch8l8unsiy.jpg&diff=19488File:3zch8l8unsiy.jpg2019-12-19T17:20:13Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_Were_the_LA_Water_Wars&diff=18374What Were the LA Water Wars2019-09-11T23:33:02Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: New entry</p>
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<div>== What Were the LA Water Wars? ==<br />
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The city of Los Angeles was founded by a small group of Spanish settlers on September 4, 1781. During much of the Spanish colonial period, Los Angeles remained an outpost, a relatively small pueblo far away from the colonial hub and center in present-day Mexico. As a small settlement, it relied upon, and was well-supplied by, existing rivers, canals, and irrigation ditches, or ''zanjas''. However, once Los Angeles became a metropolis in the early 20th century, these existing systems were unsuitable for the city’s continued growth.<br />
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The fact that Los Angeles became a metropolis is somewhat surprising. On its own, Los Angeles had no harbor, nor did it exist at the intersection of two rivers, nor did it have an abundance of natural resources that would have made the site attractive to these early Spanish settlers. However, by the time that a significant number of American colonists got to California in the 19th century—and especially in the early 20th century—the idea that nature could be conquered was not new. Projects like the Hetch Hetchy Reservoir in San Francisco locally, and the Panama Canal internationally, prompted discussions about the use of land and its manipulation for the progress and betterment of society.<br />
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While the Los Angeles River had been adequate for early settlers, it was unable to sustain Los Angeles’ growth after a series of booms. The completion of the Southern Pacific Railroad line and the railroad line from Los Angeles to San Pedro, and the discovery of oil in the early 20th century made modern Los Angeles possible. As Los Angeles became linked to the rest of the global economy through railroads and ports, and as Los Angeles became the center of a quintessentially-American resource extraction story, it gradually outgrew its water supply—with no other water in sight. Enter Frederick Eaton and William Mulholland (See [[Who Was Involved in the LA Water Wars?]])<br />
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Frederick (Fred) Eaton was the Mayor of Los Angeles from 1898 through 1900. Under his leadership, he created the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, and placed William Mulholland in charge. Eaton had met Mulholland while employed at the privately-held Los Angeles City Water Company. Both men had experience in Los Angeles’ nascent water companies and were well-acquainted with the water problems facing this region. Beginning in 1904, Mulholland and a group of engineers were tasked with finding a new source of water for the growing city. Mulholland collaborated with Eaton, and together they found the solution to Los Angeles’ problems in the Owens Valley.<ref>[http://www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/people/d_h/eaton.htm] "Fred Eaton," New Perspectives on the West, PBS.</ref><br />
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The solution to Los Angeles’ water problem would be a gravity-led aqueduct that would transfer water from the Owens Valley to the burgeoning city. The Owens Valley was about 200 miles away from Los Angeles and it sat on the edge of the Sierra Nevada mountains between them and the Owens River. It was a green, fertile area that Mulholland and Eaton believed could more than satisfy all of Los Angeles’ water needs. However, this task would not be so easy.<br />
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In 1902, the Reclamation Act passed and was designed to establish water and irrigation projects in western states. The idea was that reclamation, or irrigation, projects would make the arid west suitable for American settlement.<ref>[https://www.usbr.gov/history/borhist.html] "The Bureau of Reclamation: A Very Brief History," US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Reclamation.</ref> President Theodore Roosevelt—who would become so important to other massive projects like the Panama Canal—supported these projects. However, the Bureau of Reclamation, this nascent federal bureau tasked with reclamation projects, was already interested in the Owens Valley. Since the Owens Valley held so much potential, it only made sense to the Bureau to improve the irrigation systems there to the benefit of Owens Valley farmers and the Americans who would end up buying their produce.<br />
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Nevertheless, Eaton was a convincing man with connections, and by 1905 he had convinced the Bureau of Reclamation and President Roosevelt that it was more beneficial to put the water to use in Los Angeles. Furthermore, Eaton and Mulholland were able to assure this resolution by purchasing enough of the water rights in the Owens Valley to block the project, anyway. Eaton and Mulholland orchestrated the purchase of land plots in and around the Owens Valley. These individuals—who were working on behalf of the city of Los Angeles—eventually ceded their water rights to the city. Through deception, and in some instances, bribery, Eaton and Mulholland were able to purchase enough of the land and water rights to prevent the reclamation project. <br />
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[[File:Ca owens.jpg|200px|thumb|left|Map of California showing the Owens Valley, the Los Angeles Aqueduct, and the city of Los Angeles]]<br />
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The construction of the Los Angeles Aqueduct began in 1907 and was completed in 1913. The 233-mile long aqueduct used 2,000 workers who dug 164 tunnels.<ref>[https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/what-were-the-californian-water-wars.html] World Atlas.</ref> Eaton and Mulholland had secured the necessary support for the aqueduct through a number of underhanded ways. The route for the aqueduct was slated to pass through the San Fernando Valley--which was arid. Through insider tips, a number of businessmen and railroad tycoons purchased land in this otherwise-worthless region which stood to increase in value once the aqueduct was completed. The first bond measure to begin the project passed in 1905, and the second passed in 1907—which led to its construction. The aqueduct was completed in 1913, and in its dedication ceremony, Mulholland addressed the crowd: “There it is; take it!” Mulholland had effectively overseen one of the world’s largest water projects—the world’s longest aqueduct at the time. Through his work, Los Angeles—a city of some 300,000 people—now had enough water for millions.<ref>[https://www.history.com/topics/landmarks/los-angeles-aqueduct] "Los Angeles Aqueduct," History.com.</ref><br />
[[File:LA Times cover.jpg|200px|thumb|left|Cover of the ''Los Angeles Times'' showing the First Water Flow from the Los Angeles Aqueduct]]<br />
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While the people of Los Angeles may have rejoiced, the people of the Owens Valley did not. As the Owens Valley residents and farmers saw their dreams dry up with the Owens River, they grew despondent. By the 1920s, the "Water Wars" were in full swing as Owens Valley residents rose up and attacked the source of their decline---the aqueduct. The flourishing San Fernando Valley's existence was a slap in the face since the Owens Valley had all but dried up by 1924. Beginning that year, the Water Wars became violent. Protestors laid dynamite on parts of the aqueduct in 1924 and in 1927. And, in 1924, "nearly 700 hundred Owens Valley citizens...took over and occupied without incident an aqueduct control gate at the Alabama Gates just north of Lone Pine... The 'occupiers' drained the entire flow of the aqueduct into the dry Owens Lake riverbed in a great act of non-violent civil disobedience."<ref>[https://www.kcet.org/shows/artbound/forget-chinatown-get-the-real-story-of-californias-most-famous-water-war], Kim Stringfellow, "Forget 'Chinatown,' Get the Real Story of California's Most Famous Water War" KCET, October 2012.</ref> By 1926, Los Angeles owned approximately 90% of the Owens Valley's water.<ref>[https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/what-were-the-californian-water-wars.html] World Atlas.</ref> Regardless, Los Angeles continued to grow, and even its own water supply would not be enough to quench the city's insatiable thirst. Soon, they would make inroads into the Mono Basin.<br />
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Eaton and Mulholland both emerged from the 1930s disgraced. Eaton continued to seek his own financial gain. When Mulholland approached Eaton around 1928 to purchase some of his land in order to construct a dam, Eaton was only willing to sell for an exorbitant $1,000,000. Eaton's finances fell apart as he held out for the sale. Mulholland decided to hastily build the dam elsewhere. The St. Francis Dam's shoddy construction became Mulholland's ruin when, in 1928, it burst. It flooded several cities and resulted in hundreds of deaths. He didn't face criminal charges, but his reputation was ruined.<ref>[https://www.history.com/topics/landmarks/los-angeles-aqueduct] Los Angeles Aqueduct.</ref><br />
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Arguably, the Los Angeles Water Wars never really ended. Current residents of the Owens Valley are attempting to reclaim the water rights lost and defrauded over a century ago. Only time will tell weather their efforts will materialize into any results.<ref>[https://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-owens-valley-eminent-domain-20170712-story.html] Louis Sahagun, "L.A. took their water and land a century ago. Now the Owens Valley is fighting back," ''Los Angeles Times,'' July 13, 2017.</ref> While, in the early 20th century, controlling and reshaping nature may have seem like the correct thing to do, we are currently dealing with the ravages of destroyed ecosystems. While there were benefits to these water projects, we are only now truly finding out how much they cost.<br />
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<references /></div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:LA_Times_cover.jpg&diff=18373File:LA Times cover.jpg2019-09-11T23:04:25Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=Top_Ten_Books_on_Los_Angeles_History&diff=18219Top Ten Books on Los Angeles History2019-08-20T17:08:59Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Created Entry</p>
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<div>== Top Ten Books on Los Angeles History ==<br />
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Los Angeles has emerged from a small pueblo in the Spanish colonial backwater to become one of the most recognizable and populous cities in the United States. Los Angeles is an idea, the butt of many jokes, and a topic of serious academic inquiry. Historians have studied Los Angeles for over a century. In terms of historical scholarship, Los Angeles sits at an interesting spot. It's history can be explored from Indigenous, Spanish, and American points of view, it can be on a colonial or modern reading list, regionally it is the Spanish north, American West, and Pacific Rim. When looking at race relations in Los Angeles, we see a diversity that is characteristic of the American west, and contrary to the racial dichotomy in the American South. <br />
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For those who are interested in studying the history of Los Angeles, these ten books below are a start. These ten books cover a variety of themes and topics that get at the heart of this unique place. In no particular order:<br />
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Carey McWilliams, ''Southern California: An Island on the Land'' (Layton: Gibbs Smith, Publisher, 1946). [[File:41pMSkTrLvL._SX331_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg|right|150px]] Carey McWilliams is easily his own subject of study when it comes to Los Angeles History. This journalist, editor, and lawyer is one of the most well known figures among Southern California historians and enthusiasts. McWilliams was a prolific writer and wrote extensively on Southern California. ''Southern California: An Island on the Land'' is widely regarded as one of the best works on Los Angeles in the 1920-1940s. It details many of the unique personalities in Los Angeles at the time, and also gives thoughtful consideration to minorities as well--unique considering this was first published in the 1940s. If you would like an overview of Los Angeles from someone who was there are the time, this book may be just what you're looking for. You may be frustrated by McWilliams' lack of footnotes, though. <br />
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[[File:9780520249905.jpg|150px|thumb|left]]<br />
Douglas Flamming, ''Bound for Freedom: Black Los Angeles in Jim Crow America'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006). One of the most enduring myths about California is that African Americans did not experience as much racism or hostility there as in the South. In ''Bound for Freedom'' Flamming provides one of the most comprehensive studies of African American Los Angeles from the late 19th century to World War II. He illustrates that for most African Americans, when they came to Los Angeles, they came to a city that was half-free. Not as violent as the Jim Crow South, but just as racist. Ultimately, Flamming argues that the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s would have been unfeasible were it not for the work of African American activists in his study. This book is well-researched and quite thorough. If you're interested in African American history or the history of the Civil Rights Movement, you will likely enjoy this book.<br />
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[[File:9780806159041.jpg|150px|thumb|right]] Erika Pérez, ''Colonial Intimacies: Interethnic Kinship, Sexuality, and Marriage in Southern California, 1769-1885'' (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2018). In this book, Pérez explores colonization and power through intimate relationships. She explains how everyday interactions illuminate larger ideas about the colonial projects that frame them. Pérez also looks at the children produced through these interethnic relationships to explain how their experiences with colonialism were different than their parents'--and that this was often related to their sex, and what economic opportunities they might have. This is one of the more recent books on this list, yet it covers the earliest period, chronologically. Those who are interested in the history of imperialism or colonialism may be interested in this book. <br />
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[[File:9780520256231.jpg|150px|thumb|left]] Daniel Hurewitz, ''Bohemian Los Angeles and the Making of Modern Politics'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008). If you read this book with George Chauncey's ''Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890-1940'' you would have a thorough understanding of the pre-Civil Rights Movement history of the gay community on the East and West coasts. Hurewitz uncovers the story of this movement from a group of artists, leftists, and gay men and women who, together, began to formulate ideas that we might now call "identity politics." This book uses an assortment of records to tell this story, and Hurewitz argues that the legacy of these people is still significant in American politics today. <br />
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[[File:9780520246676.jpg|150px|thumb|right]] William F. Deverell, ''Whitewashed Adobe: The Rise of Los Angeles and the Remaking of its Mexican Past'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004). In focusing on several key points in Los Angeles history, Deverell explores the process through which Los Angeles became modern, white, and American. Deverell argues that this process took place from the late 19th century through the early 20th century and occurred through the selective erasure and obliteration of its Mexican past. If you're interested in the history of memory, this book provides a fascinating perspective on how places are remembered, or how histories of places are created.<br />
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[[File:Blue Heaven.jpg|150px|thumb|left]] Becky M. Nicolaides, ''My Blue Heaven: Life and Politics in the Working-Class Suburbs of Los Angeles, 1920-1965'' (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002). In ''My Blue Heaven'' Nicolaides lays out the early history of suburbanization near Los Angeles--focusing on the suburb of South Gate. Nicolaides explains how some of these early homeowners in this blue-collar area built their homes from the ground up. Over time, as the are became more diverse, and especially as it was geographically situated next to the African-American community of Watts during the Civil Rights Movement, homeowners in South Gate became increasingly became interested in protecting their homes. However, this was not just about literally protecting their homes, rather they were also concerned with what their homes represented: self-reliance and white homeowner rights. <br />
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Nathaniel West, ''The Day of the Locust'' (New York: Random House, 1939). [[File:Locust.jpg|150px|thumb|right]]While this may be a novel and part of our Western Canon, it can also be considered a loose primary source. In ''The Day of the Locust'' West writes about Hollywood during the Great Depression. The novel is from the perspective of the protagonist Tod Hackett, and the tone for much of the book is despondent and cynical. In the novel, all of the characters are shallow, and all have come to Hollywood to make it big. The city is full of outcasts and rejects and West is critical of the masses and popular culture. Where this seems like a primary source is in its discussion of the American dream and its elusiveness--particularly for Americans who were negatively affected by the Great Depression. Similarly, a significant number of people did try to move to Los Angeles during this period because the movies that came from Hollywood seemed to suggest that the Depression had not reached Tinseltown. Nevertheless, it had. <br />
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[[File:9780520248113.jpg|150px|thumb|left]] Eric Avila, ''Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight: Fear and Fantasy in Suburban Los Angeles'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006) and Genevieve Carpio, ''Collissions at the Crossroads: How Place and Mobility Make Race'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2019). [[File:9780520298835.jpg|150px|thumb|right]] These two books are side-by-side and complement each other in specific ways. Carpio explores how mobility helped to define race by looking at specific ordinances and policies. Race often determined how easily one was able to move in and out of specific spaces. At the same time, Avila's work explores the racialization of ''public'' entertainment after World War II. Both books speak to the racialization of space--whether that is the suburbs, Disneyland, or boarding schools. <br />
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[[File:Sanchez.jpg|150px|thumb|left]] George J. Sanchez, ''Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945'' (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). In this groundbreaking work, Sanchez explains the formation of Mexican identity in Los Angeles the first half of the 20th century. Sanchez traces this process by looking at the lives of Mexican immigrants to the city and follows the identity of these individuals from migrant to eventually resident. Sanchez explores Mexican Americans' adaptation, accommodation, and resilience through religion, kinship, and consumerism. Of note is Sanchez's exploration of this topic during the Repatriation campaign of the Depression. If you are interested in Latino historiography, this book should be at the top of your list.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Locust.jpg&diff=18218File:Locust.jpg2019-08-20T17:00:42Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_the_Third_Wave_Feminist_Movement&diff=18164What was the Third Wave Feminist Movement2019-08-15T18:55:41Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Third Wave Femninism in US</p>
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<div><br />
== Introduction ==<br />
Previous DailyHistory articles have discussed the [[What was the First Wave Feminist Movement?|First]] and [[What was the Second Wave Feminist Movement?|Second]] Wave Feminist Movements. Like Second Wave feminism, Third Wave feminism emerged from some of the failures and conversations left behind from the wave before. While there were many successes of the first two waves, including: voting rights and greater access to reproductive control, Third Wave feminists argued that these successes largely benefited white middle-class women.<br />
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== Background ==<br />
As is common with any large coalition, group goals need to be broad enough to encompass the desires of the majority of those involved. White, educated women with clout during the First Wave often advanced the need for white women's rights by suggesting they were better educated and equipped to exercise those rights than non-white men and women. During the Second Wave, the general discussions about reproductive choice were often framed in terms of access to birth control and the right to an abortion for white women, while non-white women were fighting for the right to control reproduction on their own terms, and not to be forcibly sterilized. These rifts were not crippling, but often benefited one faction of a coalition more than the other.<br />
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For many non-white feminists during the Second Wave, their experiences as women were inseparable from their experiences as people of color. They could not compartmentalize their lives or experiences. A new wave of feminism needed to adequately address all parts of their identity.<br />
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== Third Wave Feminism ==<br />
Leaders of the third wave feminist movement were daughters of the second wave--often literally. They were born in the 1960s and 1970s and came of age in the 1980s and 1990s. They came of age after the Civil Rights movement and benefited from that in many ways--growing up in diverse neighborhoods, attending integrated schools, and seeing representations and contributions of people of color in media and society. Furthermore, these leaders were often the daughters of those who saw society transform because of Second Wave actions and expected their daughters to take advantage of those opportunities.<br />
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[[File:1993Summer pfister1.jpg|thumb|left|"New young feminists pride themselves on being young and trendy, beautiful and radical, smart and very, very media-savvy." From: https://www.ontheissuesmagazine.com/1993summer/Summer1993_Pfister.php]]<br />
Third Wave Feminism differed from the first two waves not just goals, but in substance. While the first two waves generally accepted traditional gender identities and norms, the third wave challenged ideas about what was traditionally masculine and traditionally feminine. Not only did third wave feminists reject this strict separation and polarity between male and female, third wave feminists embraced more complex and nuanced opportunities for gender and sexual expression, including identity. Third Wave feminists took Second Wave feminism's "sexual liberation" one step further by also calling for the exploration and acceptance of a variety of sexual identities. Furthermore, Third Wave Feminists believe it is in their right to seek sexual pleasure on their own terms as well as a sex-positive movement. <br />
<br />
[[File:gg_naked_enlarge.jpg|thumb|right|400px]]<br />
Feminism in the Third Wave appropriated previously-insulting and derogatory terms. Third Wave Feminists unapologetically reclaimed words like "bitch" and spoke openly about themselves, their bodies, and their experiences. Third Wave Feminists, whose lives have been saturated with popular culture, are quick to challenge portrayals of women in beauty and in art. Third Wave Feminists see men as their equals and challenge institutions and conventions that dictate otherwise.<ref>Laura Brunell and Elinor Burkett, "Feminism: Sociology," Encycloapedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/topic/feminism#ref216004</ref><br />
<br />
Some have argued that Third Wave Feminism is--in part--a rejection of Second Wave Feminism, or at least a strong critique against it. If Second Wave Feminism bolstered heterosexual privilege, Third Wave Feminism combats that by supporting the extension of civil rights to LGBT individuals. If Second Wave Feminism was empowering by rejecting conventional beauty ideals, Third Wave Feminism calls for an inclusive definition of beauty that includes a more diverse set of criteria.<ref>R. Claire Snyder, "What is Third Wave Feminism? A New Directions Essay," Signs 34, 1 (Autumn 2008): 175-196.</ref> <br />
<br />
At its core, Third Wave Feminism argues that it is more inclusive and accepting of a variety of identities. Third Wave Feminism attempts to wrestle more fully with intersectionality, that is: that race and gender are not "mutually exclusive categories of experience and analysis... Those who are multiply-burdened... cannot be understood" through a single lens or source of discrimination.<ref>Kimberle Crenshaw, "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics," Unversity of Chicago Legal Forum, vol. 1989, no. 1: 139-167, 139-140.</ref>. While Third Wave Feminism does try to check its privilege at the door, it, like its predecessors, still does tend to have a white-middle class leaning. While this is more openly discussed, it still also remains a point of contention for some feminists in the Third Wave with some feminists calling for toleration and others for more ardent antiracism. <br />
<br />
Third Wave Feminism, like its predecessors, embodies a variety of opinions and beliefs and is not limited to just "women's issues;" nevertheless, these issues remained at the core of Third Wave Feminism's discussions.<br />
<br />
== Fourth Wave Feminism? ==<br />
Some have argued that #MeToo and the 2016 Presidential Election have ushered in a Fourth Wave of Feminism. Only time will tell if this is an entirely new movement, or if this is simply a continuation of the Third Wave after a dormant period. If this is a new Fourth Wave, it is clearly building on some of the Third Wave, but is unique in its focus on sexual harassment and rape culture.<br />
<br />
==Related DailyHistory.org Articles==<br />
*[[What was the First Wave Feminist Movement?t]]<br />
*[[What was the Second Wave Feminist Movement?]]<br />
*[[When did Abortion Become Legal in the United States?]]<br />
<br />
== References ==<br />
<br />
<br />
[[Category:Women's History]] [[Category:American History]] [[Category:20th Century American History]]</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Gg_naked_enlarge.jpg&diff=18163File:Gg naked enlarge.jpg2019-08-15T18:51:38Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:1993Summer_pfister1.jpg&diff=18162File:1993Summer pfister1.jpg2019-08-15T18:45:48Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: File uploaded with MsUpload</p>
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<div>File uploaded with MsUpload</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=Who_exactly_was_Sacagawea&diff=9581Who exactly was Sacagawea2017-10-06T22:40:32Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: </p>
<hr />
<div>__NOTOC__<br />
<br />
==Background==<br />
<br />
Sacagawea, whose name means "bird woman" in Hidatsa," was a young Shoshone woman who was integral to the Lewis and Clark expedition. In fact, it is likely that Lewis and Clark would not have been able to complete their mission without the assistance of Sacagawea. She is a common figure in Western history, and the subject of countless articles and books. Nevertheless, few of us know much about this remarkable woman, save for a few details during her trek across the continent. Much of what we know about Sacagawea has been filtered through the lens of others. As an indigenous woman who was captured and sold into slavery, her involvement in the Corps of Discovery is likely the only thing that stopped her from being lost to the annals of history.<br />
<br />
In 1803, President Thomas Jefferson purchased the Louisiana Territory from France for the paltry sum of $15 million dollars. The 530,000,000 acres of land more than doubled the size of the United States and seemed to secure Jefferson’s vision for an agrarian republic. Soon thereafter, Jefferson sent Meriwether Lewis and William Clark off to explore this new territory. Specifically, Jefferson wanted to know about the Native Americans in the region, opportunities for trade, the kinds of minerals and resources that were available to exploit, and if there was a water route that could allow Americans to trade with Asia. Financially backed by the United States, Lewis and Clark set off from St. Louis in the summer of 1804.<br />
<br />
[[File:Sacagaweastatue.jpg|thumbnail|left|A bronze statue recognizing Sacagawea.]]<br />
<br />
==Sacagawea==<br />
In 1800, when Sacagawea was about 12 years old, she was kidnapped by Hidatsa Indians and taken from her homeland, near Idaho, to the Hidatsa-Mandan villages near present-day Bismark, North Dakota. Later she was sold as a slave to Toussaint Charbonneau, a French-Canadian Fur Trader who lived among the Indians. Charbonneau held Sacagawea and another Shoshone woman as his wives. When Lewis and Clark began their expedition in 1804, the young Sacagawea was approximately 16 years old, and had just given birth to her first child only months before joining Lewis and Clark on their expedition in the spring of 1805.<br />
<br />
Around November of 1804, Lewis and Clark's Corps of Discovery set up camp near Fort Mandan where they rode out the winter. When they set off again for the next leg of their journey, they brought with them Charbonneau, Sacagawea, and their infant son, Jean-Baptiste.<br />
<br />
Sacagawea and Charbonneau became part an interpreter team for the Corps of Discovery. Sacagawea spoke Shoshone and Hidatsa, Charbonneau spoke Hidatsa and French, and Francois Labiche—one of the members of the Corps—spoke French and English. After the long string of interpretations, Labiche would make the final translation to English. Additionally, Lewis and Clark hoped that Sacagawea's Shoshone heritage would help them since the Shoshone people sold horses that were necessary to cross the Bitterroot Mountains, and also controlled much of the region.<br />
<br />
With her infant son in tow, Sacagawea was the only woman accompanying the 33 permanent members of this discovery group on their over 8,000-mile trek. Her tasks included digging for roots, collecting edible plants, picking berries, and surveying the landscape. She was also incredibly resourceful. In one noted incident, she managed to save papers, journals, and supplies when a boat she was in was hit by high wind and capsized.<br />
<br />
Sacagawea was incredibly valuable to the Corps, not just for her survival skills, and ability to negotiate with other Indian groups and maneuver around the land, but because of what she symbolized. Some of the Native Americans they approached had never seen white people before, but Clark himself noted that the Indians were inclined to believe they were friendly since they saw the Corps was traveling with a native woman and baby. In their cultures, war parties never traveled with women, and her presence was enough to soften the Corps of Discovery's image and signify that they came in peace. <br />
<br />
Sacagawea’s opinions were counted equally as the men’s when deciding where to camp, or which direction to take, and she was regarded as a valuable guide—even if, in their journals, the expedition leaders often referred to her just as “the squaw.” The Corps returned to the Hidatsa-Mandan village in August 1806. Though she was so important, when the trip was over, Sacagawea received nothing. Charbonneau, on the other hand, was given over $500 (about $10,000 present day) and 320 acres of land.<br />
<br />
Little is known about Sacagawea after the expedition. According to some accounts, in 1811 a traveler described as looking alone, and wearing white woman’s clothes. She gave birth to a daughter about six years after the expedition ended, Lisette, but it is not known if her daughter survived infancy. Soon after Lisette was born, Sacagawea passed away. She was approximately 25 years old. William Clark legally adopted Sacagawea’s children about eight months after her death. We do know that her son, Jean Baptiste was educated in St. Louis before going off to Europe at the age of 18.<br />
<br />
In a letter Clark later wrote to Charbonneau, he reiterated Sacagawea’s significance to the Corps of Discovery’s success: “Your woman who accompanied you that long dangerous and fatiguing rout[sic] to the Pacific Ocean and back disserved[sic] a greater reward for her attention and services on that route than we had in our power to offer her.”<ref name="The Voyage of Discovery: Sacagawea">[http://nebraskastudies.unl.edu/0400/frameset_reset.html?http://nebraskastudies.unl.edu/0400/stories/0401_0107.html], University of Nebraska, Lincoln.</ref><br />
<br />
The knowledge that William and Clark gathered with the help of Sacagawea paved the way for other explorers and pioneers to make their way into the region to fulfill their manifest destiny. Perhaps one of the greatest ironies is that the landscape, flora, and fauna that William and Clark described would soon become altered and extinct as this new migration they enabled also ushered in the displacement of countless indigenous people, and significantly transformed the environment as well.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
For more on the Lewis and Clark expedition, feel free to access their digitized journals [https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/ courtesy of the University of Nebraska, Lincoln.]<br />
<br />
==References==</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Sacagaweastatue.jpg&diff=9580File:Sacagaweastatue.jpg2017-10-06T22:39:29Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: </p>
<hr />
<div></div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=Who_exactly_was_Sacagawea&diff=9579Who exactly was Sacagawea2017-10-06T22:38:01Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Created page with "__NOTOC__ ==Background== Sacagawea, whose name means "bird woman" in Hidatsa," was a young Shoshone woman who was integral to the Lewis and Clark expedition. In fact, it is..."</p>
<hr />
<div>__NOTOC__<br />
<br />
==Background==<br />
<br />
Sacagawea, whose name means "bird woman" in Hidatsa," was a young Shoshone woman who was integral to the Lewis and Clark expedition. In fact, it is likely that Lewis and Clark would not have been able to complete their mission without the assistance of Sacagawea. She is a common figure in Western history, and the subject of countless articles and books. Nevertheless, few of us know much about this remarkable woman, save for a few details during her trek across the continent. Much of what we know about Sacagawea has been filtered through the lens of others. As an indigenous woman who was captured and sold into slavery, her involvement in the Corps of Discovery is likely the only thing that stopped her from being lost to the annals of history.<br />
<br />
In 1803, President Thomas Jefferson purchased the Louisiana Territory from France for the paltry sum of $15 million dollars. The 530,000,000 acres of land more than doubled the size of the United States and seemed to secure Jefferson’s vision for an agrarian republic. Soon thereafter, Jefferson sent Meriwether Lewis and William Clark off to explore this new territory. Specifically, Jefferson wanted to know about the Native Americans in the region, opportunities for trade, the kinds of minerals and resources that were available to exploit, and if there was a water route that could allow Americans to trade with Asia. Financially backed by the United States, Lewis and Clark set off from St. Louis in the summer of 1804.<br />
<br />
==Sacagawea==<br />
In 1800, when Sacagawea was about 12 years old, she was kidnapped by Hidatsa Indians and taken from her homeland, near Idaho, to the Hidatsa-Mandan villages near present-day Bismark, North Dakota. Later she was sold as a slave to Toussaint Charbonneau, a French-Canadian Fur Trader who lived among the Indians. Charbonneau held Sacagawea and another Shoshone woman as his wives. When Lewis and Clark began their expedition in 1804, the young Sacagawea was approximately 16 years old, and had just given birth to her first child only months before joining Lewis and Clark on their expedition in the spring of 1805.<br />
<br />
Around November of 1804, Lewis and Clark's Corps of Discovery set up camp near Fort Mandan where they rode out the winter. When they set off again for the next leg of their journey, they brought with them Charbonneau, Sacagawea, and their infant son, Jean-Baptiste.<br />
<br />
Sacagawea and Charbonneau became part an interpreter team for the Corps of Discovery. Sacagawea spoke Shoshone and Hidatsa, Charbonneau spoke Hidatsa and French, and Francois Labiche—one of the members of the Corps—spoke French and English. After the long string of interpretations, Labiche would make the final translation to English. Additionally, Lewis and Clark hoped that Sacagawea's Shoshone heritage would help them since the Shoshone people sold horses that were necessary to cross the Bitterroot Mountains, and also controlled much of the region.<br />
<br />
With her infant son in tow, Sacagawea was the only woman accompanying the 33 permanent members of this discovery group on their over 8,000-mile trek. Her tasks included digging for roots, collecting edible plants, picking berries, and surveying the landscape. She was also incredibly resourceful. In one noted incident, she managed to save papers, journals, and supplies when a boat she was in was hit by high wind and capsized.<br />
<br />
Sacagawea was incredibly valuable to the Corps, not just for her survival skills, and ability to negotiate with other Indian groups and maneuver around the land, but because of what she symbolized. Some of the Native Americans they approached had never seen white people before, but Clark himself noted that the Indians were inclined to believe they were friendly since they saw the Corps was traveling with a native woman and baby. In their cultures, war parties never traveled with women, and her presence was enough to soften the Corps of Discovery's image and signify that they came in peace. <br />
<br />
Sacagawea’s opinions were counted equally as the men’s when deciding where to camp, or which direction to take, and she was regarded as a valuable guide—even if, in their journals, the expedition leaders often referred to her just as “the squaw.” The Corps returned to the Hidatsa-Mandan village in August 1806. Though she was so important, when the trip was over, Sacagawea received nothing. Charbonneau, on the other hand, was given over $500 (about $10,000 present day) and 320 acres of land.<br />
<br />
Little is known about Sacagawea after the expedition. According to some accounts, in 1811 a traveler described as looking alone, and wearing white woman’s clothes. She gave birth to a daughter about six years after the expedition ended, Lisette, but it is not known if her daughter survived infancy. Soon after Lisette was born, Sacagawea passed away. She was approximately 25 years old. William Clark legally adopted Sacagawea’s children about eight months after her death. We do know that her son, Jean Baptiste was educated in St. Louis before going off to Europe at the age of 18.<br />
<br />
In a letter Clark later wrote to Charbonneau, he reiterated Sacagawea’s significance to the Corps of Discovery’s success: “Your woman who accompanied you that long dangerous and fatiguing rout[sic] to the Pacific Ocean and back disserved[sic] a greater reward for her attention and services on that route than we had in our power to offer her.”<ref name="The Voyage of Discovery: Sacagawea">[http://nebraskastudies.unl.edu/0400/frameset_reset.html?http://nebraskastudies.unl.edu/0400/stories/0401_0107.html], University of Nebraska, Lincoln.</ref><br />
<br />
The knowledge that William and Clark gathered with the help of Sacagawea paved the way for other explorers and pioneers to make their way into the region to fulfill their manifest destiny. Perhaps one of the greatest ironies is that the landscape, flora, and fauna that William and Clark described would soon become altered and extinct as this new migration they enabled also ushered in the displacement of countless indigenous people, and significantly transformed the environment as well.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
For more on the Lewis and Clark expedition, feel free to access their digitized journals [https://lewisandclarkjournals.unl.edu/ courtesy of the University of Nebraska, Lincoln.]<br />
<br />
==References==</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=Gender_in_Early_America_Top_Ten_Booklist&diff=9570Gender in Early America Top Ten Booklist2017-10-05T23:13:33Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Created page with "Most of us are familiar with a narrative of colonial America that focuses on the actions of our "Founding Fathers." But what of our "Founding Mothers"? This booklist compiles..."</p>
<hr />
<div>Most of us are familiar with a narrative of colonial America that focuses on the actions of our "Founding Fathers." But what of our "Founding Mothers"? This booklist compiles ten works that explore gender in colonial North America and provide an important lens through which we can view some of the formative events in our shared history. These books are listed in no particular order and explore topics from the daily and otherwise mundane like in Ulrich's ''A Midwive's Tale,'' to race and slavery in Brown's ''Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, & Anxious Patriarchs,'' and Morgan's ''Laboring Women''. These books explore concepts of citizenship as well as biological reproduction and power. <br />
<br />
1. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, ''A Midwive's Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812,'' (Vintage Books, 1990). This book is a classic. In it, Laurel Thatcher Ulrich contextualizes the "exhaustive, repetitious dailiness" of Martha Ballard's life.<ref name=''A Midwive's Tale''>[Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, ''A Midwive's Tale''], p. 9.</ref> Ballard kept a diary for more than 27 years, and Ulrich was able to create a clear picture of what life was like for in New England. Through her analysis of Ballard's diary, Ulrich covers topics from abortion and childbirth to rape. Ulrich's work is a rich resource for those interested in what average life looked like in the late 18th century.<br />
<br />
2. Carol F. Karlsen, ''The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England'', (W.W. Norton & Co., 1998). The history of witchcraft in colonial America is both eerie and fascinating. Part of our fascination stems from how intellectually frustrating this phenomenon--the Salem Witch Trials, for example--was, but also how dramatic colonists' responses to these witches were. Karlsen explores the history of witchcraft in colonial America with clarity. Expressing that the history of witchcraft ''is'' women's history, and our analysis of can shift when we explore for an explicitly gendered lens. <br />
<br />
3. María Elena Martínez, ''Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico'', (Stanford University Press, 2008). In ''Genealogical Fictions'', Martínez charts the rise of racial categories in Spain's colonies. Martínez details the origin of this system in the Iberian peninsula, then charts the transformations and problems that emerge when this system is imposed onto a diverse and distant population. One of the central pillars of this book is the focus on gender and sexuality. As a system concerned with biological reproduction, female sexuality was central to determining legitimacy, hierarchy, and purity. But Martínez goes even further to detail how gendered descriptions were fixed to colonized peoples--ultimately cementing their fixed positions in the Spanish racial hierarchy.<br />
<br />
4. Kathleen M. Brown, ''Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, & Anxious Patriarchs: Gender, Race, and Power in Colonial Virginia'', (University of North Carolina Press, 1996). This book is, in many ways, a challenge to Edmund Morgan's ''American Slavery, American Freedom''. In it, Brown argues that gender became a category of difference before race really entered American colonists' vocabulary. Beginning, of all things, with colonial tax law, Brown argues that the way that Virginia colonists perceived African and black women differently from English women helped to create a system of racial difference that ultimately led to racial slavery. A must read.<br />
<br />
5. Sharon Block, ''Rape and Sexual Power in Early America'', (University of North Carolina Press, 2012). In ''Rape and Sexual Power in Early America'', Sharon Block provides a comprehensive analysis of rape accusations and prosecutions from approximately 1700-1820. Block examined more than 900 documented incidents of "sexual coercion" to illustrate the dynamics of sexual power in play in British North America. According to Block, definitions of rape or assault were more frequently based on the identities of the parties involved. Through her analysis of these documents, Block argues that the way official persecuted these infractions worked to preserve the social, racial, gender, and political hierarchies of early North America.<br />
<br />
6. Clare A. Lyons, ''Sex Among the Rabble: An Intimate History of Gender and Power in the Age of Revolution, Philadelphia, 1730-1830'', (University of North Carolina Press, 2006). In this fascinating book, Lyons centers her analysis on the sexual practices of "the rabble," and explores the limits of freedom and individualism. Like Block, Lyons argues that sex and gender were crucial to reconstituting social hierarchies.<br />
<br />
7. Jennifer L. Morgan, ''Laboring Women: Reproduction and Gender in New World Slavery'', (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). In this book, Jennifer Morgan focuses her attention on slave women and their bodies from the 1640s to the 1750s, approximately. Specifically, Morgan is concerned with slave women's statuses as producers (i.e. laborers), and reproducers (biological). She explores several different slave systems in the Atlantic world to piece together an interesting analysis of how slave traders and slave owners viewed slave women, and how slave women negotiated their own existence as well. <br />
<br />
8. Carol Berkin, ''Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the Struggle for America's Independence'', (Vintage, 2006). For those craving a female counterpart to the traditional narrative of the American Revolution, this book is for you. Carol Berkin retells the now-common story of the American Revolution through the eyes of women who lived through and participated in it--from generals' wives to everyday women participating in boycotts of British Goods. Berkin allows us to get a complete picture of this significant event in American history.<br />
<br />
9. Bárbara O. Reyes, ''Private Women, Public Lives: Gender and the Missions of the California'', (University of Texas Press, 2009). In this book, Bárbara Reyes explores what life was like for women in Spanish California. Reyes looks, first, at the creation of the missions in California then moves to analyze three three different women and their experiences from the late 18th century to the early 19th century: an Indian woman accused of murdering a priest, a Spanish woman who accuses her husband of adultery, and a Mestiza woman who became the ''lavera'' or head housekeeper at the San Gabriel Mission.<br />
<br />
10. Marisa J. Fuentes, ''Dispossessed Lives: Enslaved Women, Violence, and the Archive'', (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016). In this book, Marisa Fuentes takes us to Bridgetown, Barbados where she takes us through the lives of women--enslaved an free--who would otherwise be invisible in the historical record. Using interdisciplinary methods, pieces together a narrative from fragmentary sources and also looks at the archives themselves and how they mark women's bodies.<br />
<br />
==References==</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_lynching&diff=8817What was lynching2017-07-18T01:09:26Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: headings, references, etc.</p>
<hr />
<div>__NOTOC__<br />
<br />
==What was lynching?==<br />
Lynching is often described as a form of extralegal, vigilante violence or justice; however, its meaning has evolved over time—from the tarring and feathering of individuals in the Colonial period to the lethal, racial violence that proliferated in the South. According to Digital History, "Lynching received its name from Judge Charles Lynch, a Virginia farmer who punished outlaws and Tories with "rough" justice during the American Revolution."<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref> The United States has a long history of vigilance committees whose purposes were to protect the community. According to Linda Gordon, “vigilantism generally means bypassing the legal procedures of the state and substituting direct, usually punitive and coercive action by self-appointed groups of citizens".<ref name="Linda Gordon">Linda Gordon, ''The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction'', p. 255.</ref> In some instances, vigilantism is romanticized—like in the west—as a form of outspoken, American democracy. While lynching has existed, historically, in many forms, it is most commonly associated with the form it took in the South in the late 19th century. <br />
<br />
==Lynchings as social control==<br />
According to the group Monroe Work Today, by 1835, lynchings were more common and more leathal. In the middle of the 19th century lynchings were “a crude form of frontier justice done by vigilantes ‘keeping the peace,’” and approximately 40% of lynchings in this period were done to white men.<ref name="Monroe Work Today">[http://www.monroeworktoday.org/lynching.html], Monroe Work Today, The Rise of Lynchings.</ref> Contrary to popular belief, lynchings frequently occurred in places where there were courthouses. Lynchings were not a symptom of lawlessness. Rather, as lynchings began to occur more frequently in the west, they were tools of violence used against non-white groups to challenge the slow pace of the legal system, in favor of immediate action. Before 1877 (the end of Reconstruction), most lynchings happened in the West. Lynching victims also varied by region. Those that occurred in the North typically targeted Italians, Jews, or other immigrants, while those in the west targeted Mexicans or Chinese. Nevertheless, beginning in the 1880s, approximately 90% of lynchings occurred in the South and happened to black men.<br />
<br />
Lynchings began to be used more systematically in the South in the late 19th century. The late 19th century witnessed a social transformation for African Americans in the South. Newly-enfranchised, many African Americans began to exercise their legal and social rights. In the absence of system of legal subjugation that ensured white supremacy (i.e. slavery), lynchings were a constant and imminent threat that prevented African Americans in the South from truly being free. Lynchings served as a system of terror designed around reinforcing African-Americans’ second-class status. <br />
<br />
==''Southern Horrors''==<br />
In 1892, Ida B. Wells wrote ''Southern Horrors'' to document the practice of lynching in the South after three of her friends in Memphis were killed by a mob for operating a black-owned grocery store. Their lynching, and her subsequent pamphlet, inspired the teacher to pursue investigative journalism and an anti-lynching campaign.<br />
<br />
In ''Southern Horrors'', Wells wrote:<br />
"This statement is not a shield for the despoiler of virtue, nor altogether a defense for the poor blind Afro-American Sampsons who suffer themselves to be betrayed by white Delilahs. It is a contribution to truth, an array of facts, the perusal of which it is hoped will stimulate this great American Republic to demand that justice be done though the heavens fall.<br />
It is with no pleasure I have dipped my hands in the corruption here exposed. Somebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so. The awful death-roll that Judge Lynch is calling every week is appalling, not only because of the lives it takes, the rank cruelty and outrage to the victims, but because of the prejudice it fosters and the stain it places against the good name of a weak race.<br />
The Afro-American is not a bestial race. If this work can contribute in any way toward proving this, and at the same time arouse the conscience of the American people to a demand for justice to every citizen, and punishment by law for the lawless, I shall feel I have done my race a service...".<ref name="Southern Horrors">[http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14975/14975-h/14975-h.htm], Ida B. Wells, ''Southern Horrors''.</ref><br />
<br />
Wells wrote these because one of the most common assertions—or justifications for lynchings—was rape. Fears about miscegenation, or race mixing, shrouded criticisms against the Republican party during the Civil War, and after, many Southern whites feared that black equality was simply a way to legalize miscegenation. Other white Southerners believed that slavery had tamed African-Americans’ bestial, animal nature by introducing them to white civilization. Outside of the institution of slavery, blacks were reverting to their savage tendencies.<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 46-53.</ref> <br />
<br />
Wells found that African-Americans were lynching for a host of reasons—for competing economically with whites (like her friends), for being drunk in public, or for failing to respect whites. Nevertheless, the rape justification seemed to reverberate the most, and seemed to inspire the greatest reactions. <br />
<br />
Wells attempted to make the lynching issue known to Americans outside of the South. Before her pamphlet (and even shortly after), lynching was not widely discussed in Northern Newspapers. In 1893 and 1894, Wells went to England as part of her anti-lynching campaign. She believed that British journalists could help bring awareness of the lynching issue to Northern newspapers. Southern Horrors impugned white American civilization. She portrayed black men as innocent victims of white female seductresses, and she personified the lynch mob as uncivilized and brute. The only way for Americans to assert their civilization, would be by stopping the practice of lynching.<br />
<br />
Wells was correct, and when she returned to the US after her 1894 tour, “she returned to a country where lynching was widely discussed as a stain on American civilization.”<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 45".</ref><br />
<br />
==20th Century==<br />
<br />
Northern and British distaste, however, did very little for African-Americans in the South as lynchings continued to occur. According to some estimates, some 2,400 African Americans were lynched between 1889 and 1918. These events were community sanctioned, and the victims were often beaten, tortured, and mutilated before death. After death, photographs were sold as souvenirs to commemorate attendance or participation, and body parts—teeth, fingers, ashes, and clothes—were sold or taken as tokens.<br />
<br />
[[File:16307509620 d1ab80ba6b.jpg|thumbnail|left]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings were not private events performed under the cover of darkness. They were frequently publicized in advance. As lynchings moved into the 20th century, they became modern carnival-esque spectacles. Sheriffs, clergymen, and the city’s best businessmen participated. Railroads sometimes advertised upcoming events—allowing individuals to watch or participate at a lowered excursion rate. In some instances, tickets were sold, and crowds swelled to 15,000 people.<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref><br />
<br />
[[File:Jesse-washington-lynching.jpg|thumbnail|left|Image of the crowd at Jesse Washington's lynching]]<br />
<br />
[[File:1200px-Postcard of the lynched Jesse Washington, front and back.jpg|thumbnail|left|Postcard of the Jesse Washington lynching. Note the back. Sender refers to the "barbecue."]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings remained an unfortunate reality for many African-Americans through the first half of the 20th century. In 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till, a Chicago boy, was lynched in Mississippi after purportedly flirting with a white woman (Recently, journalist Timothy Tyson has released an interview with Carolyn Bryant--the women who accused Till of acting inappropriately with her. According to her own admission, she fabricated the parts of the story where she said he got physical with her). Several days after the incident, Till was abducted, mutilated, murdered, and thrown into a river. His mother demanded a public funeral with an open casket to show the world what had happened to her son. An all-white jury acquitted the men involved, even though they later admitted their involvement. This case generated widespread attention because of Till’s young age, the brutality of the crime, and his attackers’ acquittal. It also helped to start a new phase of the Civil Rights Movement in the South. The last official lynching was recorded in 1968, though many would argue that James Byrd’s murder in 1998 at the hands of three white men was a lynching as well.<br />
<br />
===References===<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
[[Category:African American History]]<br />
[[Category:United States History]]<br />
[[Category:20th Century History]]<br />
[[Category:19th Century History]]<br />
[[Category:Popular culture]]<br />
[[Category:Race and ethnicity]]<br />
{{Contributors}}</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_lynching&diff=8816What was lynching2017-07-18T01:03:20Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: </p>
<hr />
<div>__NOTOC__<br />
<br />
Lynching is often described as a form of extralegal, vigilante violence or justice; however, its meaning has evolved over time—from the tarring and feathering of individuals in the Colonial period to the lethal, racial violence that proliferated in the South. According to Digital History, "Lynching received its name from Judge Charles Lynch, a Virginia farmer who punished outlaws and Tories with "rough" justice during the American Revolution."<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref> The United States has a long history of vigilance committees whose purposes were to protect the community. According to Linda Gordon, “vigilantism generally means bypassing the legal procedures of the state and substituting direct, usually punitive and coercive action by self-appointed groups of citizens".<ref name="Linda Gordon">Linda Gordon, ''The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction'', p. 255.</ref> In some instances, vigilantism is romanticized—like in the west—as a form of outspoken, American democracy. While lynching has existed, historically, in many forms, it is most commonly associated with the form it took in the South in the late 19th century. <br />
<br />
According to the group Monroe Work Today, by 1835, lynchings were more common and more leathal. In the middle of the 19th century lynchings were “a crude form of frontier justice done by vigilantes ‘keeping the peace,’” and approximately 40% of lynchings in this period were done to white men.<ref name="Monroe Work Today">[http://www.monroeworktoday.org/lynching.html], Monroe Work Today, The Rise of Lynchings.</ref> Contrary to popular belief, lynchings frequently occurred in places where there were courthouses. Lynchings were not a symptom of lawlessness. Rather, as lynchings began to occur more frequently in the west, they were tools of violence used against non-white groups to challenge the slow pace of the legal system, in favor of immediate action. Before 1877 (the end of Reconstruction), most lynchings happened in the West. Lynching victims also varied by region. Those that occurred in the North typically targeted Italians, Jews, or other immigrants, while those in the west targeted Mexicans or Chinese. Nevertheless, beginning in the 1880s, approximately 90% of lynchings occurred in the South and happened to black men.<br />
<br />
Lynchings began to be used more systematically in the South in the late 19th century. The late 19th century witnessed a social transformation for African Americans in the South. Newly-enfranchised, many African Americans began to exercise their legal and social rights. In the absence of system of legal subjugation that ensured white supremacy (i.e. slavery), lynchings were a constant and imminent threat that prevented African Americans in the South from truly being free. Lynchings served as a system of terror designed around reinforcing African-Americans’ second-class status. <br />
<br />
In 1892, Ida B. Wells wrote ''Southern Horrors'' to document the practice of lynching in the South after three of her friends in Memphis were killed by a mob for operating a black-owned grocery store. Their lynching, and her subsequent pamphlet, inspired the teacher to pursue investigative journalism and an anti-lynching campaign.<br />
<br />
In ''Southern Horrors'', Wells wrote:<br />
"This statement is not a shield for the despoiler of virtue, nor altogether a defense for the poor blind Afro-American Sampsons who suffer themselves to be betrayed by white Delilahs. It is a contribution to truth, an array of facts, the perusal of which it is hoped will stimulate this great American Republic to demand that justice be done though the heavens fall.<br />
It is with no pleasure I have dipped my hands in the corruption here exposed. Somebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so. The awful death-roll that Judge Lynch is calling every week is appalling, not only because of the lives it takes, the rank cruelty and outrage to the victims, but because of the prejudice it fosters and the stain it places against the good name of a weak race.<br />
The Afro-American is not a bestial race. If this work can contribute in any way toward proving this, and at the same time arouse the conscience of the American people to a demand for justice to every citizen, and punishment by law for the lawless, I shall feel I have done my race a service...".<ref name="Southern Horrors">[http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14975/14975-h/14975-h.htm], Ida B. Wells, ''Southern Horrors''.</ref><br />
<br />
Wells wrote these because one of the most common assertions—or justifications for lynchings—was rape. Fears about miscegenation, or race mixing, shrouded criticisms against the Republican party during the Civil War, and after, many Southern whites feared that black equality was simply a way to legalize miscegenation. Other white Southerners believed that slavery had tamed African-Americans’ bestial, animal nature by introducing them to white civilization. Outside of the institution of slavery, blacks were reverting to their savage tendencies.<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 46-53.</ref> <br />
<br />
Wells found that African-Americans were lynching for a host of reasons—for competing economically with whites (like her friends), for being drunk in public, or for failing to respect whites. Nevertheless, the rape justification seemed to reverberate the most, and seemed to inspire the greatest reactions. <br />
<br />
Wells attempted to make the lynching issue known to Americans outside of the South. Before her pamphlet (and even shortly after), lynching was not widely discussed in Northern Newspapers. In 1893 and 1894, Wells went to England as part of her anti-lynching campaign. She believed that British journalists could help bring awareness of the lynching issue to Northern newspapers. Southern Horrors impugned white American civilization. She portrayed black men as innocent victims of white female seductresses, and she personified the lynch mob as uncivilized and brute. The only way for Americans to assert their civilization, would be by stopping the practice of lynching.<br />
<br />
Wells was correct, and when she returned to the US after her 1894 tour, “she returned to a country where lynching was widely discussed as a stain on American civilization.”<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 45".</ref><br />
<br />
Northern and British distaste, however, did very little for African-Americans in the South as lynchings continued to occur. According to some estimates, some 2,400 African Americans were lynched between 1889 and 1918. These events were community sanctioned, and the victims were often beaten, tortured, and mutilated before death. After death, photographs were sold as souvenirs to commemorate attendance or participation, and body parts—teeth, fingers, ashes, and clothes—were sold or taken as tokens.<br />
<br />
[[File:16307509620 d1ab80ba6b.jpg|thumbnail|left]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings were not private events performed under the cover of darkness. They were frequently publicized in advance. As lynchings moved into the 20th century, they became modern carnival-esque spectacles. Sheriffs, clergymen, and the city’s best businessmen participated. Railroads sometimes advertised upcoming events—allowing individuals to watch or participate at a lowered excursion rate. In some instances, tickets were sold, and crowds swelled to 15,000 people.<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref><br />
<br />
[[File:Jesse-washington-lynching.jpg|thumbnail|left|Image of the crowd at Jesse Washington's lynching]]<br />
<br />
[[File:1200px-Postcard of the lynched Jesse Washington, front and back.jpg|thumbnail|left|Postcard of the Jesse Washington lynching. Note the back. Sender refers to the "barbecue."]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings remained an unfortunate reality for many African-Americans through the first half of the 20th century. In 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till, a Chicago boy, was lynched in Mississippi after purportedly flirting with a white woman (Recently, journalist Timothy Tyson has released an interview with Carolyn Bryant--the women who accused Till of acting inappropriately with her. According to her own admission, she fabricated the parts of the story where she said he got physical with her). Several days after the incident, Till was abducted, mutilated, murdered, and thrown into a river. His mother demanded a public funeral with an open casket to show the world what had happened to her son. An all-white jury acquitted the men involved, even though they later admitted their involvement. This case generated widespread attention because of Till’s young age, the brutality of the crime, and his attackers’ acquittal. It also helped to start a new phase of the Civil Rights Movement in the South. The last official lynching was recorded in 1968, though many would argue that James Byrd’s murder in 1998 at the hands of three white men was a lynching as well.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:1200px-Postcard_of_the_lynched_Jesse_Washington,_front_and_back.jpg&diff=8815File:1200px-Postcard of the lynched Jesse Washington, front and back.jpg2017-07-18T01:02:02Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Postcard from the Jesse Washington lynching</p>
<hr />
<div>Postcard from the Jesse Washington lynching</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_lynching&diff=8814What was lynching2017-07-18T01:01:22Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: </p>
<hr />
<div>__NOTOC__<br />
<br />
Lynching is often described as a form of extralegal, vigilante violence or justice; however, its meaning has evolved over time—from the tarring and feathering of individuals in the Colonial period to the lethal, racial violence that proliferated in the South. According to Digital History, "Lynching received its name from Judge Charles Lynch, a Virginia farmer who punished outlaws and Tories with "rough" justice during the American Revolution."<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref> The United States has a long history of vigilance committees whose purposes were to protect the community. According to Linda Gordon, “vigilantism generally means bypassing the legal procedures of the state and substituting direct, usually punitive and coercive action by self-appointed groups of citizens".<ref name="Linda Gordon">Linda Gordon, ''The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction'', p. 255.</ref> In some instances, vigilantism is romanticized—like in the west—as a form of outspoken, American democracy. While lynching has existed, historically, in many forms, it is most commonly associated with the form it took in the South in the late 19th century. <br />
<br />
According to the group Monroe Work Today, by 1835, lynchings were more common and more leathal. In the middle of the 19th century lynchings were “a crude form of frontier justice done by vigilantes ‘keeping the peace,’” and approximately 40% of lynchings in this period were done to white men.<ref name="Monroe Work Today">[http://www.monroeworktoday.org/lynching.html], Monroe Work Today, The Rise of Lynchings.</ref> Contrary to popular belief, lynchings frequently occurred in places where there were courthouses. Lynchings were not a symptom of lawlessness. Rather, as lynchings began to occur more frequently in the west, they were tools of violence used against non-white groups to challenge the slow pace of the legal system, in favor of immediate action. Before 1877 (the end of Reconstruction), most lynchings happened in the West. Lynching victims also varied by region. Those that occurred in the North typically targeted Italians, Jews, or other immigrants, while those in the west targeted Mexicans or Chinese. Nevertheless, beginning in the 1880s, approximately 90% of lynchings occurred in the South and happened to black men.<br />
<br />
Lynchings began to be used more systematically in the South in the late 19th century. The late 19th century witnessed a social transformation for African Americans in the South. Newly-enfranchised, many African Americans began to exercise their legal and social rights. In the absence of system of legal subjugation that ensured white supremacy (i.e. slavery), lynchings were a constant and imminent threat that prevented African Americans in the South from truly being free. Lynchings served as a system of terror designed around reinforcing African-Americans’ second-class status. <br />
<br />
In 1892, Ida B. Wells wrote ''Southern Horrors'' to document the practice of lynching in the South after three of her friends in Memphis were killed by a mob for operating a black-owned grocery store. Their lynching, and her subsequent pamphlet, inspired the teacher to pursue investigative journalism and an anti-lynching campaign.<br />
<br />
In ''Southern Horrors'', Wells wrote:<br />
"This statement is not a shield for the despoiler of virtue, nor altogether a defense for the poor blind Afro-American Sampsons who suffer themselves to be betrayed by white Delilahs. It is a contribution to truth, an array of facts, the perusal of which it is hoped will stimulate this great American Republic to demand that justice be done though the heavens fall.<br />
It is with no pleasure I have dipped my hands in the corruption here exposed. Somebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so. The awful death-roll that Judge Lynch is calling every week is appalling, not only because of the lives it takes, the rank cruelty and outrage to the victims, but because of the prejudice it fosters and the stain it places against the good name of a weak race.<br />
The Afro-American is not a bestial race. If this work can contribute in any way toward proving this, and at the same time arouse the conscience of the American people to a demand for justice to every citizen, and punishment by law for the lawless, I shall feel I have done my race a service...".<ref name="Southern Horrors">[http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14975/14975-h/14975-h.htm], Ida B. Wells, ''Southern Horrors''.</ref><br />
<br />
Wells wrote these because one of the most common assertions—or justifications for lynchings—was rape. Fears about miscegenation, or race mixing, shrouded criticisms against the Republican party during the Civil War, and after, many Southern whites feared that black equality was simply a way to legalize miscegenation. Other white Southerners believed that slavery had tamed African-Americans’ bestial, animal nature by introducing them to white civilization. Outside of the institution of slavery, blacks were reverting to their savage tendencies.<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 46-53.</ref> <br />
<br />
Wells found that African-Americans were lynching for a host of reasons—for competing economically with whites (like her friends), for being drunk in public, or for failing to respect whites. Nevertheless, the rape justification seemed to reverberate the most, and seemed to inspire the greatest reactions. <br />
<br />
Wells attempted to make the lynching issue known to Americans outside of the South. Before her pamphlet (and even shortly after), lynching was not widely discussed in Northern Newspapers. In 1893 and 1894, Wells went to England as part of her anti-lynching campaign. She believed that British journalists could help bring awareness of the lynching issue to Northern newspapers. Southern Horrors impugned white American civilization. She portrayed black men as innocent victims of white female seductresses, and she personified the lynch mob as uncivilized and brute. The only way for Americans to assert their civilization, would be by stopping the practice of lynching.<br />
<br />
Wells was correct, and when she returned to the US after her 1894 tour, “she returned to a country where lynching was widely discussed as a stain on American civilization.”<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 45".</ref><br />
<br />
Northern and British distaste, however, did very little for African-Americans in the South as lynchings continued to occur. According to some estimates, some 2,400 African Americans were lynched between 1889 and 1918. These events were community sanctioned, and the victims were often beaten, tortured, and mutilated before death. After death, photographs were sold as souvenirs to commemorate attendance or participation, and body parts—teeth, fingers, ashes, and clothes—were sold or taken as tokens.<br />
<br />
[[File:16307509620 d1ab80ba6b.jpg|thumbnail|left]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings were not private events performed under the cover of darkness. They were frequently publicized in advance. As lynchings moved into the 20th century, they became modern carnival-esque spectacles. Sheriffs, clergymen, and the city’s best businessmen participated. Railroads sometimes advertised upcoming events—allowing individuals to watch or participate at a lowered excursion rate. In some instances, tickets were sold, and crowds swelled to 15,000 people.<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref><br />
<br />
[[File:Jesse-washington-lynching.jpg|thumbnail|left|Image of the crowd at Jesse Washington's lynching]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings remained an unfortunate reality for many African-Americans through the first half of the 20th century. In 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till, a Chicago boy, was lynched in Mississippi after purportedly flirting with a white woman (Recently, journalist Timothy Tyson has released an interview with Carolyn Bryant--the women who accused Till of acting inappropriately with her. According to her own admission, she fabricated the parts of the story where she said he got physical with her). Several days after the incident, Till was abducted, mutilated, murdered, and thrown into a river. His mother demanded a public funeral with an open casket to show the world what had happened to her son. An all-white jury acquitted the men involved, even though they later admitted their involvement. This case generated widespread attention because of Till’s young age, the brutality of the crime, and his attackers’ acquittal. It also helped to start a new phase of the Civil Rights Movement in the South. The last official lynching was recorded in 1968, though many would argue that James Byrd’s murder in 1998 at the hands of three white men was a lynching as well.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:Jesse-washington-lynching.jpg&diff=8813File:Jesse-washington-lynching.jpg2017-07-18T01:00:18Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Image of the crowd at Jesse Washington's lynching.</p>
<hr />
<div>Image of the crowd at Jesse Washington's lynching.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=What_was_lynching&diff=8812What was lynching2017-07-18T00:59:38Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: </p>
<hr />
<div>__NOTOC__<br />
<br />
Lynching is often described as a form of extralegal, vigilante violence or justice; however, its meaning has evolved over time—from the tarring and feathering of individuals in the Colonial period to the lethal, racial violence that proliferated in the South. According to Digital History, "Lynching received its name from Judge Charles Lynch, a Virginia farmer who punished outlaws and Tories with "rough" justice during the American Revolution."<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref> The United States has a long history of vigilance committees whose purposes were to protect the community. According to Linda Gordon, “vigilantism generally means bypassing the legal procedures of the state and substituting direct, usually punitive and coercive action by self-appointed groups of citizens".<ref name="Linda Gordon">Linda Gordon, ''The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction'', p. 255.</ref> In some instances, vigilantism is romanticized—like in the west—as a form of outspoken, American democracy. While lynching has existed, historically, in many forms, it is most commonly associated with the form it took in the South in the late 19th century. <br />
<br />
According to the group Monroe Work Today, by 1835, lynchings were more common and more leathal. In the middle of the 19th century lynchings were “a crude form of frontier justice done by vigilantes ‘keeping the peace,’” and approximately 40% of lynchings in this period were done to white men.<ref name="Monroe Work Today">[http://www.monroeworktoday.org/lynching.html], Monroe Work Today, The Rise of Lynchings.</ref> Contrary to popular belief, lynchings frequently occurred in places where there were courthouses. Lynchings were not a symptom of lawlessness. Rather, as lynchings began to occur more frequently in the west, they were tools of violence used against non-white groups to challenge the slow pace of the legal system, in favor of immediate action. Before 1877 (the end of Reconstruction), most lynchings happened in the West. Lynching victims also varied by region. Those that occurred in the North typically targeted Italians, Jews, or other immigrants, while those in the west targeted Mexicans or Chinese. Nevertheless, beginning in the 1880s, approximately 90% of lynchings occurred in the South and happened to black men.<br />
<br />
Lynchings began to be used more systematically in the South in the late 19th century. The late 19th century witnessed a social transformation for African Americans in the South. Newly-enfranchised, many African Americans began to exercise their legal and social rights. In the absence of system of legal subjugation that ensured white supremacy (i.e. slavery), lynchings were a constant and imminent threat that prevented African Americans in the South from truly being free. Lynchings served as a system of terror designed around reinforcing African-Americans’ second-class status. <br />
<br />
In 1892, Ida B. Wells wrote ''Southern Horrors'' to document the practice of lynching in the South after three of her friends in Memphis were killed by a mob for operating a black-owned grocery store. Their lynching, and her subsequent pamphlet, inspired the teacher to pursue investigative journalism and an anti-lynching campaign.<br />
<br />
In ''Southern Horrors'', Wells wrote:<br />
"This statement is not a shield for the despoiler of virtue, nor altogether a defense for the poor blind Afro-American Sampsons who suffer themselves to be betrayed by white Delilahs. It is a contribution to truth, an array of facts, the perusal of which it is hoped will stimulate this great American Republic to demand that justice be done though the heavens fall.<br />
It is with no pleasure I have dipped my hands in the corruption here exposed. Somebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so. The awful death-roll that Judge Lynch is calling every week is appalling, not only because of the lives it takes, the rank cruelty and outrage to the victims, but because of the prejudice it fosters and the stain it places against the good name of a weak race.<br />
The Afro-American is not a bestial race. If this work can contribute in any way toward proving this, and at the same time arouse the conscience of the American people to a demand for justice to every citizen, and punishment by law for the lawless, I shall feel I have done my race a service...".<ref name="Southern Horrors">[http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14975/14975-h/14975-h.htm], Ida B. Wells, ''Southern Horrors''.</ref><br />
<br />
Wells wrote these because one of the most common assertions—or justifications for lynchings—was rape. Fears about miscegenation, or race mixing, shrouded criticisms against the Republican party during the Civil War, and after, many Southern whites feared that black equality was simply a way to legalize miscegenation. Other white Southerners believed that slavery had tamed African-Americans’ bestial, animal nature by introducing them to white civilization. Outside of the institution of slavery, blacks were reverting to their savage tendencies.<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 46-53.</ref> <br />
<br />
Wells found that African-Americans were lynching for a host of reasons—for competing economically with whites (like her friends), for being drunk in public, or for failing to respect whites. Nevertheless, the rape justification seemed to reverberate the most, and seemed to inspire the greatest reactions. <br />
<br />
Wells attempted to make the lynching issue known to Americans outside of the South. Before her pamphlet (and even shortly after), lynching was not widely discussed in Northern Newspapers. In 1893 and 1894, Wells went to England as part of her anti-lynching campaign. She believed that British journalists could help bring awareness of the lynching issue to Northern newspapers. Southern Horrors impugned white American civilization. She portrayed black men as innocent victims of white female seductresses, and she personified the lynch mob as uncivilized and brute. The only way for Americans to assert their civilization, would be by stopping the practice of lynching.<br />
<br />
Wells was correct, and when she returned to the US after her 1894 tour, “she returned to a country where lynching was widely discussed as a stain on American civilization.”<ref name"Manliness & Civilization">Gail Bederman, ''Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917'' p. 45".</ref><br />
<br />
Northern and British distaste, however, did very little for African-Americans in the South as lynchings continued to occur. According to some estimates, some 2,400 African Americans were lynched between 1889 and 1918. These events were community sanctioned, and the victims were often beaten, tortured, and mutilated before death. After death, photographs were sold as souvenirs to commemorate attendance or participation, and body parts—teeth, fingers, ashes, and clothes—were sold or taken as tokens.<br />
<br />
[[File:16307509620 d1ab80ba6b.jpg|thumbnail|left]]<br />
<br />
Lynchings were not private events performed under the cover of darkness. They were frequently publicized in advance. As lynchings moved into the 20th century, they became modern carnival-esque spectacles. Sheriffs, clergymen, and the city’s best businessmen participated. Railroads sometimes advertised upcoming events—allowing individuals to watch or participate at a lowered excursion rate. In some instances, tickets were sold, and crowds swelled to 15,000 people.<ref name="Digital History">[http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtid=2&psid=3178], Digital History.</ref><br />
<br />
Lynchings remained an unfortunate reality for many African-Americans through the first half of the 20th century. In 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till, a Chicago boy, was lynched in Mississippi after purportedly flirting with a white woman (Recently, journalist Timothy Tyson has released an interview with Carolyn Bryant--the women who accused Till of acting inappropriately with her. According to her own admission, she fabricated the parts of the story where she said he got physical with her). Several days after the incident, Till was abducted, mutilated, murdered, and thrown into a river. His mother demanded a public funeral with an open casket to show the world what had happened to her son. An all-white jury acquitted the men involved, even though they later admitted their involvement. This case generated widespread attention because of Till’s young age, the brutality of the crime, and his attackers’ acquittal. It also helped to start a new phase of the Civil Rights Movement in the South. The last official lynching was recorded in 1968, though many would argue that James Byrd’s murder in 1998 at the hands of three white men was a lynching as well.</div>Aliciagutierrezrominehttps://dailyhistory.org/index.php?title=File:16307509620_d1ab80ba6b.jpg&diff=8811File:16307509620 d1ab80ba6b.jpg2017-07-18T00:58:36Z<p>Aliciagutierrezromine: Lynching notice</p>
<hr />
<div>Lynching notice</div>Aliciagutierrezromine